Free Malaysian Today: Keeping March 8 alive.... by Stephanie Sta Maria

Keeping March 8 alive

by Stephanie Sta Maria
Free Malaysia Today
Tue, 14 Dec 2010

FMT EXCLUSIVE The day had not begun particularly well for Kee Thuan Chye. A friend – once a staunch supporter of political change – had confided that he was contemplating reverting to the “devil he knew” in the next general election.

“I was very upset,” Kee said. “After staying for so long on the track of change, he is giving up because he has lost faith in Pakatan Rakyat’s ability to get its act together to govern this country.”

It was the sort of sentiment that the former journalist found deeply troubling as it preyed on a simmering disquiet that the tide behind the March 8 tsunami may be turning again, this time in favour of the ruling party. And that, in Kee’s view, would spell imminent political tragedy for Malaysia.


March 8 is a historic date that Kee holds close to his heart. Two years ago he paid tribute to it with a book entitled “March 8: The Day Malaysia Woke Up”, an anthology of the voices that believed in and voted for change.

Now a second edition of that volume has hit the shelves. Only this time it bears the title “March 8: Time For Real Change”.

“The new title is apt for these times and besides, the publisher liked it!” he said, the corners of his eye crinkling. “But seriously, the next general election is approaching and there is an urgency now to talk about real change. There is also a need to assess all that has happened in the past two and half years.”

“The real purpose of a second edition is, of course, to keep the March 8 spirit alive. That is extremely important because Malaysia has not been the same since that day.”

Defining moment
There is a marked distinction between the spirit of March 8 and that of reformasi (the basis upon which PKR was formed). In drawing a line between the two, Kee declared that the former was much bigger in that it involved the country’s future while the latter was intertwined with the “Anwar personality”.

“March 8 was the defining moment when Malaysians realised that they had been taken for a ride for decades and that it was time for change,” he added. “It was a very important watershed which has to be commemorated.”

“Our spirit is different now and we must maintain it because with it comes the spirit of standing up for our rights. Of defying with a cause and of even showing healthy disrespect for authority when it is necessary. We have been docile and unquestioning for far too long. March 8 changed all that.”

Some 60% of the second edition is new material that was cobbled together within an impressive five months. But if the earlier sentiment of Kee’s friend is any indicator of a waning adrenaline, then it begs the question of whether this new volume is a boon or a bane. Kee already knows the answer.

“I think the enthusiasm is still there though it may be flagging a little now,” he said quietly. “I asked someone the other day whether a book like this would still sell and he said that people are a little tired of March 8 because of all the politicking that followed it.”

Nevertheless, he forged ahead in fierce determination to do his bit in keeping the enthusiasm pulsing.
To keep fanning that spirit that pushed people to raise and debate issues, exercise their rights and lobby for change.
 
“There are some very good and even brilliant ideas in this edition,” he promised. “And good advice for the next general election. There are good assessments of the chicanery that has been going on since March 8, and good summaries of how we have come to where we are now. The book will also remind people to think hard about their vote at the next general election.”

This hard thinking, unfortunately, may be sparked less by Barisan Nasional’s gaffes than by PKR’s recent antics. Even Kee voiced alarm over the less than savoury image that the BN is painting of the opposition coalition.

“Pakatan is losing ground and public confidence,” he noted. “Perception is so important in politics. DAP and PAS are very solid. PKR is the only weak link and it really has to buck up fast. There’s not much time left. It has to go to the ground to convince the people, especially the fence-sitters, that the opposition is still a viable option.”

Irrelevant concern
Many have questioned whether Pakatan is ready to take over the government but to Kee, this is an irrelevant concern. He believes that if one is thrown into the deep end of the pool, one will learn to swim. He also believes in giving the underdogs a chance.

“There is never a time when one is ready,” he asserted. “You have to approach the moment and when the moment arises you have to rise to the occasion. You have to give people a chance.”

“If it doesn’t work out there will be another election five years later. But it’s always worthwhile to take that chance because if you don’t, the change may never happen or it will happen too slowly.”

The most pressing need, according to Kee, is to remove a coalition that has been in power for 53 years so it knows what it is like to wear the other shoe. In the best-case scenario, that newly minted opposition will be forced to reform itself and the people would be presented with two stronger choices in the next general election. And in his opinion, two choices are enough.

“We don’t need a Third Force,” he said plainly. “It would be better for those who want to be part of this Third Force to offer themselves as candidates to Pakatan instead.”

“The Third Force here won’t be like the Tea Party in America. They had two years to build their profile and were very active and well organised. And even then quite a number didn’t get elected. Frankly I don’t know if the Third Force will do well because many of them will be unknown.”

Kee pointed out that many of the Third Force candidates would also be greenhorns in the political arena with only integrity for their sword and shield.

While he acknowledged that this would lessen the likelihood of defections, he warned that being person of integrity and a politician were two different matters altogether.

“It isn’t enough to just have integrity,” he reasoned. “You also have to be politically savvy. A person with integrity alone will get disillusioned very quickly. But if they want to continue with this Third Force, then they should make a pact with Pakatan. Even if it doesn’t win the next election at least we have a strong opposition.”

And if Pakatan stays on a losing streak? Kee, who has long refused to migrate, laughed.

“I’m still hoping that if there is a new government then perhaps the political reform can happen. But if there is still no change, I should really pack my bags and leave.”

malaysiakini: A new Malaysia still possible

A new Malaysia still possible

David KL Quek
Mar 9, 10
11:09am

comment I was in a bookstore in Petaling Jaya on the evening of March 8, 2008, when incredulous news trickled in via SMS and was whispered all round - that election history was being made.


That morning, I had voted at the polling station in the Bukit Damansara school where, surprisingly, there was rather muted activity. I had remarked to my wife that there was a strange atmosphere about it all.


Queues were relatively short, orderly and brisk, as if everyone had already made up their minds, and that there was no longer any need to engage in debate or polemics. When I asked, a police personnel said early morning voting had been quite vigorous once polling began.


By midnight, this watershed election had been labelled a “political tsunami” by stalwart oppositionist Lim Kit Siang (left). Later, a beaming Anwar Ibrahim declared (too prematurely) that by Sept 16, defectors from the ruling Barisan Nasional would lead to a new government.


The opposition in Malaysia had indeed made significant headway, wresting four state governments from the BN's grip. At parliamentary level, the two-thirds stranglehold of the almighty government was at last broken.


Optimism and hope for change percolated down to the growing numbers of suddenly awakened if incredulous Malaysians who had dared to believe. At last, it might all be possible… 'Change' became not just a buzz word, but a possibility!


At last, after some 50 years of uninterrupted political dominance, some much needed change might finally emerge to chip away at the fossilised ramparts of a tired government.

Accustomed incumbency, perceived widespread corruption and perhaps mulish arrogance had made the BN lose its bearings, its human touch, its debilitating sense of justice and fairness, and its vaunted connection with the rakyat.


Much has been made of the tottering behemoth of BN's supremacy now under siege: Umno-led BN, chained to the long shadows of its own much-maligned institutions; its deadbeat racially-focused politicians, its blatantly biased and selectively prosecutorial police and attorney-general's chambers, its seemingly beholden judiciary, its subservient bloated civil service…


In the giddy euphoria following the elections, though, many underestimated the dogged resolve and wiliness of the ruling elite…


The weakened BN was not yet defeated - it was shaken, but clearly stirred to react even more rambunctiously. If anything, they have stood fast and fought with all the Machiavellian tools that they have at their disposal still.


Vibrant awakening


Certainly, in the heady days and months following that historic moment, there was a vibrant whiff of possible real change in the air - fresh, even invigorating.


For many Malaysians, cobwebs literally fell off our dust-blinded eyes. Clarity of purpose and hopeful assertiveness burst forth, creating an unprecedented blast against tightly constrained emotions, fearful self-censorship and resigned apathy.


The independent if unruly blogosphere exploded. Malaysia's alternative media erupted into a viable if plangent chorus for the more discerning, perhaps more so for the stubbornly disgruntled.
A new phenomenon of spontaneous opinion-making and uncensored commentary was unleashed upon the cyberspace.


The escaped genie of uncontainable outspokenness shocked yet enlightened a whole new segment of the people to actively engage and attract increasingly more credibility, and even demand to be heard.


Exposés became standard must-read and juicy fare when leaked documents found their way into the cyberspace, to badger the authorities to scramble to respond… Secrets and cover-ups, especially those that bordered on dubious legality, became harder to obscure, to hide.


Perhaps finally, we would finally see a swing towards more palpable justice, greater accountability and transparent scrutiny of how this country is run or should be run. Perhaps too, a meaningful voice would be found for our silenced majority: our apathetic, overly cautious, self-censoring, timid, self-interested, oftentimes ingratiating rakyat.


To quote playwright and social critic Kee Thuan Chye: “Malaysians are becoming more courageous… we are struggling to shake off the culture of fear and I think we are succeeding. There is a new spirit of defiance now.”


At a recent gathering to commemorate our supposedly new political awakening, Kee, author of 'March 8: The Day Malaysia Woke Up', said Malaysians must regain the optimism to “make irreversible the trend to take Malaysia out of the dark ages”.


“Choice is what we have now. We should exercise that choice - for the betterment of our country. And exercise it without fear,” he had said.


Post-March 8, 2008 there was much hype, much bravado, but then again perhaps too much politicking and bombast, with too little achieved.


The encrusted incumbency proved too rock-hard to corrosion at the ossified foundations of obsolescent racial and religious chauvinism, tawdry power politics and rent-seeking patronage. Countervailing powers obstinately refused to fritter away, or to meaningfully adjust for the better.


Broken promises, deflated hope


Thus, two years on, more of us are sensing a pervasive smog of oppressive disquiet. Our earlier bubble of hope and promise has been all but deflated. There is a rising sense of foreboding that reminds every erstwhile expectant detractor that not much has changed. Salacity outpaces sagacity; shenanigans overshadow our natural sense of justice.


Many now feel that our hitherto coarse pastiche of cohesive social fabric and unity of diversity has become irrevocably shredded. Many ethno-religious contentions have raised their ugly heads and have become even more entrenched, even stoked by opportunistic leaders too scared of losing their grassroots support.


Increasingly, we get a sense that many, if not most, of the recent repulsive episodes of bigotry (cow-head desecration, calculated torching of churches, wild-boar heads left at mosques, 'exclusive use of Allah' demonstrations, etc) and exposed unadulterated racism (Biro Tata Negara indoctrination and humiliating techniques) might have been purposely manoeuvred to create a climate of fear and intimidation for'other' Malaysians.


Perhaps such evocation of special ethnic pride and exclusionary rights are designed to buttress the dwindling relevance of supremacy based purely on race. Perhaps there is genuine if unfounded fear of being marginalised within one's 'own' land. We also know that such calls for 'specialness' of status can persuasively unite disarrayed peoples. Collectively, such an agglomerated if benumbed clan can be slanted into single-minded purposes, which could be led by blind rage and taunted insecurity.


In the worst case scenario, such provocations can so easily be manipulated to create a huge groundswell of unreasoning, unthinking 'cornered-animal' responses - tribalistic instincts, which have been known to lead on to murderous genocidal behaviours, elsewhere! Echoes of May 13, 1969 reverberate often enough to inject the fear of the unknown on most peace-loving Malaysians.


Some have murmured that perhaps these have been deliberately orchestrated to stir up potential ethnic and religious tensions. They certainly have! This explicit immoderation terrifies many people. But thankfully, aside from mental anguish, no physical retribution or reactions have erupted due to a much more mature take by an increasingly tolerant if more enlightened rakyat. Instead, some are letting their feet do the walking… enough is enough, some seem to say.


Yet, many misguided intellectuals and rabble-rousers continue to boisterously hanker for subservient acceptance of the fixity of Article 153. These racial guardians insist that citizens must recognise and accept this unalterable social contract if they wish to be part of our nation, even after 50+ years of independence.


They argue and interpret this as an unshakable tenet of the federal constitution, which supposedly enshrines the supremacy and special interests of the Malays. Unfortunately, such ingrained thinking dies hard.


Unyielding conviction in the Malay's irrevocable right to this land as of primogenital birthright remains resolute, if perhaps discordant and out-of-place with today's changing landscape of universal human rights, and assured equality for all. Yet, no one seems to wish to deconstruct the position of the other indigenous peoples of Sabah and Sarawak vis-à-vis the Malays.


Somehow this incongruous if inconvenient truth remains outside the intellectual ambit of these so-called champions. Few bother to challenge or reconsider the modernist view of what it means to be global, to be human, to be free, to be equal, as if such ideas are alien to the Malaysian or Malay psyche.


The rights of others while also enshrined in our constitution, seem to be given short shrift and are enfeebled, just so it is known that these are 'secondary' to the special position of the bumiputeras.

Even as they acknowledge that young people might not fully understand such a concept, many continue to insist that this must be inculcated into the new generation so that there would be acceptance of this form of Malaysian reality. No one should continue to question and challenge this 'right', they insist.


Such unrestrained and tacitly condoned power plays of inflexible insolence and chauvinism only exacerbate one's sense of personal loss and alienation for those of us who are among the 'others'.
They further disenchant our strongest sense of patriotic values and belonging. They corrode and dissipate our debilitating struggle to sustain our nationalistic fervour, whatever little that's left - we, the excluded outsiders.


Shockingly, over the past year when cautious optimism should have been key towards a better future, more than 300,000 Malaysians decided to pack their bags and families and emigrate. Some would have said good riddance to these 'unpatriotic' souls… yet, such desperation must be more than meets the eye.


Can we truly afford these attritional losses of such magnitude? When competition for human capital is so globally keen these days, can we afford such mass departure of our valuable human assets who have clearly lost all hope in this country of ours? Or, is this the same Malaysia that we have once loved and would strive and die for?


Advancing electoral gains
Have the 2008 electoral gains benefitted Malaysians at all? I believe so, despite my brooding pessimism. But, we've a long way to go, yet. Malaysians must persist in working together to translate these electoral gains into political reality and advancement.


We can do this not by backbiting, being self-serving or engaging in self-destructing fights for personal or close-minded gains, but by working towards constructive creation of mature self-confidence, stronger institutions, productive meritocracy, and relentless cultivation of our best core values that mark us as a Bangsa Malaysia.


Forced acceptance of long-lost but outmoded social contracts identified purely for an exclusive ethnic ideology will not do, and will be bound to be fractious and undesirable.


It is clear that nearly insurmountable challenges would continue to sidetrack and derail the stuttering progress of our fledgling two-party system of governance, one that could be driven forwards, devoid of the nasty racial or religious overtones.


We're nearly there, Pakatan Rakyat and BN - let policy and philosophical differences help define and enrich the uniqueness of each, and not simply allow these to be based on crude gamesmanship and personality icons.


Blatant and widespread political chicanery must become a thing of the past, if there is any hope for a decent progressive modern Malaysia. We all continue to pray and cross our fingers that better common sense and maturity will one day prevail.


Our political masters must learn to see the wisdom to be bold to lead by denouncing divisive undertones of racism and crude tribalistic intolerance. They must eschew parochial interests, share a better common destiny rather than play disruptive Machiavellian games, which ultimately may bankrupt and destroy our nation.


Let the ambers of our hopes be rekindled rather than be extinguished. Let the new 'Malaysia' awaken!

DR DAVID KL QUEK was the editor-in-chief of the MMA News (bulletin of the Malaysian Medical Association) for 11 years and is currently president of the MMA.

Malaysian Insider: Moving forwards or backwards? — Martin Jalleh

Moving forwards or backwards? — Martin Jalleh

Malaysian Insider, MARCH 7, 2010 — The catchphrase and chant of 2009 was “change”. The political tsunami of March 2008 brought about unexpected, unthinkable and unforgettable change to the political landscape of Bolehland. The country and the political divide were left with no choice but to change — for better or worse!

No one has been so conversant and committed to change than Najib Razak. As the year began he masterminded the change of the legitimate government in Perak. He tried successfully to convince the citizens of Bolehland that all dubious change is possible and can be made “legal”.

As the historic day of him being PM neared, Najib hammered home his message of change: “If we don’t have the courage to change, the people will change us at the next general election”. Umno heeded his warning. The first thing that they did was change their president! Pak Lah was hounded out of office in March.

Pak Lah had failed to translate rhetoric into reality. The Umno warlords wrapped in a world of their own made him a scapegoat. They were also largely responsible for reducing Umno into a fragmented “formidable” force. It was their resistance to change that had contributed to the rot. Such refusal to reform continued throughout 2009.

As the days passed, Najib’s “change” appeared to be one of taking the country back to the bad old days. Lim Kit Siang would remark: “In Najib’s pre-100 days as Prime Minister, the country is already seeing increasing signs of the powers-that-be reverting to the “old ways” of restricting freedom and silencing criticism…”

At the 59th Umno General Assembly held in March, Najib rallied on the delegates towards change. He said Umno needs leaders who “dare to change and are accepting of change, who dare to criticise and are willing to accept criticism”. Sadly, he and his cohorts did not appear to be receptive to criticisms in the days that followed.

Najib also reminded the delegates that if Umno was to remain relevant then the indispensable role of the new media must be recognised. He declared: “Like it or not, we cannot regard the new media as our enemy…” Unbelievably, six new-media organisa-tions would later be denied accreditation to Umno’s general assembly!

In October 2009, Umno held an extraordinary general assembly to take what Najib called “a bold and brave step in amending the party’s constitution to make it more transparent, inclusive and democratic”. Proud of the changes that took place the Umno President declared that the amendments are “not cosmetic. They represent concrete and significant changes.”

But former de facto law minister Zaid Ibrahim was unconvinced: “Of course, Umno…has introduced some change in their internal party processes but what about the mind-set of the leaders? We see no change whatsoever. It’s all cosmetic. The more things seem to change, the more they remain the same. They will never change.”

In an article, Barry Wain, author of the book Malaysian Maverick: Mahathir Mohamad in Turbulent Times believes Najib’s political background and baggage “doesn’t recommend him for the role of reformer” and “almost everything about Mr. Najib proclaims the status quo”!

Fanciful slogans
On April Fool’s day, The Malaysian Insider reported that Najib, in his final public address before his swearing in as PM “gave a hopeful glimpse into his administration ... when he said that the new thrust of his government will be One Malaysia”.

For the rest of the year the citizens of Bolehland were bombarded with the slogan without knowing what Najib had in mind. Najib did not giv a clear picture of 1Malaysia, neither did Apco Worldwide, a global PR firm, employed to re-engineer and redeem the PM’s flagging image at a rumoured price of RM20 million or more. As columnist David D. Matthew would write: “slogans by itself are often nothing more than convenient rhetoric… 1Malaysia… is an empty slogan disguised as a solution.”

Tunku Abdul Aziz, a former chairman of Transparency International and DAP vice-chairman, argued that the PM has to “venture beyond sloganeering and spell out in terms that are concise and clear what he has in mind when pontificating on what appears to thinking Malaysians to be nothing more than a party dogma being shoved down their throats as part of a ploy to regain the non-Bumi electoral support.”

“How does Najib propose to give practical effect to his excellent concept given the reality of Malaysia’s race-biased policies of racial discrimination? Does he not see a contradiction? Is he clear in his own mind what he is talking about?

“For now, it remains a slogan and, without a clear vision of what 1Malaysia is intended to be, it could well turn out to be nothing more than a grand illusion. Does he really believe that he has what it takes to reconcile Umno’s pathological obsession with bumiputra rights on the one hand with the principles of inalienable equality for ALL Malaysians on the other?

1Malaysia without complete equality of opportunity is nothing if not a cruel and dishonest practical joke.”

Undoubtedly, Umno’s coalition allies were of no help in bolstering Najib’s 1Malaysia message of unity. They were busily engaged in bitter internal battles and endless bickering throughout the year, refusing or pretending to bury the hatchet in spite of the possibility that they could be burying themselves for good!

In his concluding line for the year, Lim Kit Siang highlighted the charade and chicanery the new PM had put the nation through: “After nine months (of Najib’s premiership), ‘1Malaysia. People First. Performance Now’ has proved to be mere publicity and propaganda puff of Najib’s premiership with no meaningful change or consequence to the lives of Malaysians.”

Fires of fanaticism
In September 2009, the United Nations General Assembly heard from Foreign Minister Anifah Aman the 1Malaysia concept which “aims at fostering appreciation and respect for all races...(and) envisages unity that arises from true acceptance instead of mere tolerance...” At home, the slogan remained but one perfect “performance”!

Relentless racism ran deep and wide in the year. Racial baiting was at its worst. Umno leaders had a free hand in playing the racist card to the hilt while they hid behind their hype and hypocrisy over 1Malaysia and went on a hysteria from time to time.

The racism was so glaring. It resulted in Minister in the PM’s Department Nazri Aziz revealing that the Cabinet had conceded that courses by the National Civics Bureau (or Biro Tatanegara, BTN) were racially divisive and used to promote certain government leaders. There was a need for an overhaul.
As the long debate raged on, Nazri told those who defended the BTN courses (which were compulsory for new civil servants and public university undergraduates), they were in a state of denial. Muhyuddin had sided with those who refused to acknowledge Nazri’s contention that the BTN was a mockery of Najib’s 1Malaysia concept.

The controversy began when seven Selangor Pakatan Rakyat lawmakers said a big part of the programme had nothing to do with nation building or education but was an Umno and BN race-based programme during which participants were indoctrinated with propaganda about “Ketuanan Melayu”.

When Dr Mahathir joined in and insisted there was no need to revamp the BTN courses, Nazri called the former PM a “bloody racist”! Mahathir told Nazri he should resign from Umno because if he were against racism, he should not be in a “racist party”. In return, Nazri conferred on Dr M the title “the father of all racists”.

In 2009, the Umno-owned mainstream press, especially Utusan Malaysia, went on a spree of spinning falsehood, spouting lies and spewing seditious articles with impunity whilst enjoying immunity of the Home Minister, who was ever ready to stop or suspend Opposition publications at the slightest and smallest excuse!

The Malaysian Insider reported Utusan’s ugly and unethical ways: “The Utusan (Malaysia) has been a mouthpiece for Umno ultra-nationalists and a tool for defending the party’s “Ketuanan Melayu” (Malay supremacy) policy. The newspaper has also been criticised for being used to attack the opposition and ratcheting up racial tensions.

The paper also suggested that DAP was anti-Islam and said Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim was willing to betray the Malays to be prime minister — both incendiary subjects in mainly Malay-Muslim Malaysia. Its articles have labelled the Chinese community as ‘pendatang’ (immigrants) and the Indian community as ‘keling’.”

As the year came to a close, Nazri Aziz (who had earlier castigated Utusan Malaysia for defending the BTN courses) condemned the Malay daily for its “outdated racist propaganda”, saying that the Umno-owned newspaper must accept that Malaysia is a multi-racial country.

Umno’s insolence also ruled in matters concerning religion. Using Utusan Malaysia as its main instrument, the party continued to politicise religion for its survival by creating unfounded insecurities amongst Muslims and a distrust of other religions and wrongly applying the concept of Malay supremacy and exclusivity to Islam. They also implored the name of the rulers when it was convenient.

Religious bigotry reared its ugly head. The event that laid bare Malaysia’s religious divide took place on 28 August 2009, after Friday prayers during the month of Ramadan, when about 50 Muslim protesters who opposed the relocation of a Hindu temple marched from the Selangor State Mosque to the State Secretariat with a severed cow head. (Hindus consider the animal sacred.)

Amid chants of “Allahu Akbar” they threatened bloodshed, kicked, spat and stomped on the cow’s head and left the severed head at the entrance of the State Secretariat while riot police stood by and watched!  Home Minister Hishammuddin Hussein later met some of the protesters and justified their demonstration!

It was only a matter of time before “Asia’s melting pot of races and religion” would boil over…and it did a few days into the New Year — in the aftermath of a landmark ruling on 31 December by the Kuala Lumpur High Court. The court ordered the lifting of the Home Minister’s ban against the Catholic church publishing the word “Allah” in its weekly paper, Herald.

The resultant fire bombs on churches reduced to ashes and made a mockery of Anifah Aman’s boasting of the “true acceptance instead of mere tolerance” amongst all races and religions in the nation. After being PM for nine months, Najib failed to fight the fires of religious fanaticism often fanned by his own party, but took flight behind the facade of 1Malaysia!

Faltering institutions
As Najib and his cohorts portrayed themselves as agents of change, they at the same time manipulated the nation’s democratic institutions to contain, cripple and crush legitimate dissent and/or to hinder genuine change advocated by the Opposition.

Key institutions such as the Judiciary, the office of the Attorney-General, the Police and the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission ended up becoming the tools of the government. They were no longer perceived as impartial. (See accompanying stories on the police and the judiciary.)

In early March 2009, the Pakatan Rakyat Perak state government was forced to hold an “emergency sitting” under a raintree. An Adun, when supporting one of the motions, spoke of an “institutional crisis” in the country. He then corrected it to “constitutional crisis”. He was in fact right: the country’s institutions were in a grave institutional crisis and the nation was heading towards becoming a failed State!

During the Perak constitutional crisis, then Bar Council president Ambiga Sreenevasan said that she was alarmed that “our institutions, that is the courts, the police, etc., are being tested..... What is going on in the state shows a total breakdown in relation to the structures and sanctity of the legislature”.
There is no better and lasting symbol of institutions decaying in Malaysia than the judiciary. In 2009, the V K Lingam video clip case reinforced its rot even further. The government took the findings of the Royal Commission rather lightly. It made the Commission, one appointed by the King, look like a lame duck.

The government ended its two-year charade when the de facto Law Minister made a laughing stock of himself as he lectured Parliament on what may be morally wrong could be legally or politically correct, correct, correct. With his ‘no further action’ declaration, public suspicion of the cattle-trading culture in the judiciary lingers on.

Another institution that allowed itself to be a mouthpiece of the political masters was the Election Commission. In Perak, it made a mockery of the Federal Constitution when it portrayed itself as a court of law and illegally usurped the authority of the Speaker of the Perak state assembly.

The above unconstitutional act was endorsed by a Federal Court ruling which opened the floodgates to potential interference by the Commission in the country’s legislatures including Parliament. During the year the Commision made declarations and decisions that were blatantly biased and undermined public confidence in its independence.

Fatal flaw
Another “institution” that failed was the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC): 2009 was the first year of its existence. It was frowned upon as a “monumental failure” and a farce in its task of tackling corruption. It became a favourite tool of the Umno government to repress the opposition.

Five months after the introduction of Najib’s slogans, the respondents in a Star online live chat revealed that the key national institution that they had least confidence in was both the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) and the police. Only two per cent of the respondents rated the MACC’s performance in fighting corruption as “good”.

The fatal flaw of the MACC was that it was not politically neutral as stated by Lim Teck Ghee. 74 per cent of the respondents in a poll by the Merdeka Centre said that they were dissatisfied with the government’s handling of corruption and abuse of power issues. A majority of them felt that the MACC was biased.

Since its much hyped up launch on 1 January 2009 the then MACC’s chief commissioner, Ahmad Said Hamdan, “has managed to put his mouth into overdrive while shifting his brains into reverse” as observed by Tunku Aziz. He chose to retire early and will remain haunted by how he had handled the “very small case” of the death of Teoh Beng Hock.

By the end of 2009, it was obvious that corruption in the country had worsened since the formation of the MACC. Malaysia’s anti-graft crackdown was, in reality, a breakdown that saw the country plunge nine places in the Transparency International corruption rankings ( The Malaysian Insider)!  It was also a mockery of Najib’s declaration that “the fight against corruption was one of the six KPI priorities of his administration”.

Parliament, the country’s supreme law-making institution turned 50 in September 2009. Sadly, in spite of Najib’s many slogans, it remained a rubber stamp. The shocking scene in February of wheelchair-bound Karpal Singh being surrounded by a hostile group of Umno Youth thugs while the police and security personnel stood idly by at the Parliament lobby said it all!

Speaker Pandikar Amin Mulia revealed in March that “Parliament is no longer like a first-world Parliament anymore”. He had a role in this. He was ever ready to reject the motions moved by the Opposition to debate crucial issues that would enhance radical reform and was at times ridiculously biased towards the government.

The civil service as an institution was also crumbling with civil servants failing to understand their role and the importance of their impartiality. In fact in January this year, Najib said he “wants the public sector in the country to become a fully professional service without political inclination”. It was obvious why he did not say it earlier in Perak.

Collapsed buildings and the collapse of a suspension bridge in Kuala Dipang, Kampar, in October where three young school girls were killed were constant symbolic reminders of the reality and repercussions of faltering institutions.

The impact of the breakdown in institutions could be increasingly seen not only in the political domain but in every arena of life – education, health care, environment, and use of natural resources. It also resulted in the further marginalisation of minority groups in both East and West Malaysia.

Tengku Razaleigh pointed to the source of the faltering institutions when he expressed sadness that Umno has “indeed lost its soul” and “become corrupt, this corruption has weakened it, and as it grows weaker it is tempted more and more to fan racial feeling and abuse public institutions to maintain power. This is a death spiral.”

He sagely added. “Our major public institutions and our political system have degenerated to the point that the public no longer trusts them. A democratic system of government cannot function below a certain threshold of public confidence. The suspicious death of Teoh Beng Hock under the custody of a watchdog body reporting directly to a prime minister who has his own public confidence issues may have pushed us below that threshold.”

He concluded: “What we must do now goes beyond political parties. We need the rakyat to rise up to claim their institutions, and demand that our public institutions are answerable to them. We must wake up to our sovereignty as citizens, reclaim the constitution which constitutes us as a nation and guarantees our rights, and demand a comprehensively reformed government to restore public confidence. We must do this before it is too late.”

A divided nation, decaying institutions, a dour economy and a PM dogged by allegations — perhaps the events and issues of the year 2009 point to the reality that all real, relevant and radical change can only come about by a change in government! There are those with raw courage whom we saw during the year, who are willing to risk their lives for such a change. But we are prompted to ask, is the Opposition ready? — aliran.com

* This article is the personal opinion of the writer or publication. The Malaysian Insider does not endorse the view unless specified.

malaysiakini-Helen Ang: March 8 aftermath: Race and religion still pervasive

March 8 aftermath: Race and religion still pervasive

Helen Ang
malaysiakini, Mar 8, 10
4:38pm

Umno's counter-offensive to the March 8 general election outcome has been to claim that the minorities - having tasted power unprecedented hitherto - are challenging Malay institutions and eroding Malay rights.

In Perak, pro-Umno Malays took up arms, metaphorically speaking, to defend the king. Malaysia's monarchical system is 'sistem Raja-raja Melayu' (the rulers are not Raja-raja Malaysia).

Malays regard fellow Malays as 'orang kita' (our people) or 'us', and thus by extension, the non-Malays are 'them'. The Malaysian constitution is a document that frames the 'us' group.

Article 153 of the federal constitution makes it the responsibility of the Agong to safeguard the "special position" of the Malays while at the same time it is his prerogative to exercise the Malay quota.

Article 160 defines Malay as "a person who professes the religion of Islam". On an operational level, this stipulation effectively separates a Malay from the predominantly non-Muslim minorities an example being halal-haram dining.


To quote former New Straits Times Group editor A Kadir Jasin, "Our constitution is not colour blind". Since the constitution recognises colour, it stands to reason that in spirit, the constitution meant for Malaysians to be sorted according to skin tones.


On a tangential note, Umno showed its true colours with its takeover of Perak, signaling that the conceit of power-sharing between the races has been all but discarded.


The party had no qualms engineering the fall of Pakatan and installing a racially skewed state government comprising 27 Malay Umno state assemblymen, two Malay 'BN-friendly' state assemblymen, one Chinese MCA state assemblyman plus the remarkable Ms Hee Yit Foong.


Indians who make up roughly 14 percent of Perak's population do not have a single state assemblyman in the BN camp.


There are those who insist race does not matter (because 'we are all Malaysians' first and foremost) and also, that communal politics is near the grave. These people would have no cause then to be bothered by the racially imbalanced composition of Perak BN representatives.

Proud to be Indian?
Race still mattered after March 8 in Perak where the new Pakatan Rakyat menteri besar had to be Malay. In Selangor, there was a wrangle over too many Chinese in the Pakatan exco.


Najib Razak now presents the façade that his 1Malaysia administration is willing to dismantle the race barriers. Consider the Government Transformation Programme sloganeering: "The roadmap stresses that it is imperative to promote integration through inclusiveness in managing the polarity between assimilation and segregation in Malaysia's multi-ethnic society".


Would the makcik in Gong Badak be able to decipher the above public relations mouthful, or the Pakcik in Gua Cempedak grasp GTP, KPI and NKRA?
What resonates with common folks is something along the lines of this forthright declaration "Saya mahu terus jadi orang Melayu" by the veteran newsman Kadir (left).


His plainspeak dispelling Najib's proposal to eliminate mention of race on government forms (see Kadir's Jan 28 blog posting in Bahasa Melayu or its English translation) sparked a heated discussion online.


Kadir objects to the suggestion as someone proud of his Malay identity, adding, "I'm sure a Chinese is proud to be Chinese too and an Indian proud to be Indian". But in truth, are they?


He is perceptive in his insight on how the Bangsa Malaysia proponents don't want their ethnic origins recorded in their identity card and other documentation, and this prompting his chagrin: "Is this happening merely because the non-Bumiputeras "feel that they have lost their rights, feel discriminated against and frustrated (geram)" over the New Economic Policy, and as a result I, as a Malay, must no longer be entitled to declare my racial identity?"

Communal flocks
Is rejecting any ticking of the 'race' box a backlash against the ethnicity factor being used by the government to discriminate against minorities? Or does refusal to state 'bangsa Cina' or 'bangsa India', on the other hand, stem from an inordinate enthusiasm for the Malaysian nationality?


It appears however that the coy condemnation of such 'race' categorisation by Chinese and Indians does not accord by and large with their own behaviour. For instance, Chinese enroll their children in Chinese schools, speak Mandarin and Chinese dialects among themselves and look to 'greater China' for entertainment like Canto soaps and Mandopop.


Middle-class Indians send their children for Bharatanatyam classes. They don't pay tutors for their kids to learn the zapin or inang dances (usually taken as representative of Malaysian culture).


In any case, creating a hybrid Malaysianised culture - formulation of a National Culture has been attempted before with the 1971 policy - would see Ketuanan Melayu clamouring for Malay dominance in its input, and Malays have on their side historicity and placeness. And advantageously, promotion of a Malay-based culture would have the constitution and bureaucracy lending them leverage.


Kadir at least is refreshingly honest in admitting his allegiance. "Are you a Muslim first or Melayu first?" Responding to a reader's question, Kadir replied, "I feel Melayu to me is very important".


"Yes, I was born Malay. That is my primary identity. Bangsa saya - bangsa Melayu; Why is this so? Because we are all [already] born Islam."


The sentiments were well received by his readership who, similarly, does not think that embracing Malayness makes them any less loyal Malaysians.


Next election issues
Current developments indicate that the race-religion card is here to stay.


Although Umno's fingerprints are glimpsed all over the efforts, nonetheless, it would be a mistake to presume that the party is the sole force to successfully manufacture the current race-religion driven movements.

For example, the 286,500-strong membership of the Facebook group 'Against the use of 'Allah' by non-Muslims' comprises Middle Malaysia in the main, not the extremist fringe although an Umno Youth-linked faction are the site administrators.


The fallout from the 'Allah' dispute and other ethno-religious conflicts will have a lingering effect and may impact on how Malaysians chose to vote the next round. It's again likely that the Umno strategists believe these belligerent developments and bad faith would benefit their party in vote-catching.


Discounting the overwhelmingly Malay states of Kelantan (94.27 percent Malay voters) and Terengganu (95.42 percent) as well as the more evenly mixed states of Penang, Perak and Selangor/Federal Territories, Malay voters form the majority in the rest of the country except Sarawak.


If the Chinese and Indian electorate is predicted to remain with Pakatan, then the vote bank battle will be fought crucially over the Malay segment.


What happened on March 8, 2008 had elements of a freak accident, e.g. Mahathir Mohamad actively undermining Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, and this unique happenstance will not recur.


In fact, ramifications still reverberating from the election results somewhat recall the saying 'Be careful what you wish for'.


Unintended consequences
"Selangor won because people like me just wanted change. And change we got," New Straits Times managing editor Nuraina Abdul Samad blogged. She voted Keadilan and DAP for the Parliament and state seats respectively in a constituency previously held by BN.


She wrote also that Malay Mail head honcho Ahirudin Atan, better known as Rocky, voted in Perak for the opposition too. "The opposition parties won in many seats in Perak because of the many Rockys."


The 13.14 percent vote shift in Perak with 46.98 percent of Malay-Muslim votes going to the opposition suggests there is merit in Nuraina's surmise.


Some Malays who had been long-time BN loyalists did indeed switch their votes or preferring to spoil their ballot papers for the first time in 2008. Although it is hard to measure this phenomenon, the small swing nevertheless created a big impact. Don't bet on them doing a repeat though.


The next election will see a pool of presently unregistered voters and huge numbers of young Malaysians attaining the age of majority. Given our demographic trend, these newly eligible voters will be in majority Malays.


Umno, needless to say, will be going full throttle to convince the Malay ground that the change they sought in 2008 has not turned out desirably.


However for the minorities, concerns reach beyond the next general election.


Among these is the Islamic state issue. Deputy Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin in his Jan 13 speech at the Oxford Centre for Islamic Studies reminded: "In Malaysia, Islam not only occupies a symbolic position as the religion of the federation, but also forms part and parcel of the country's political, judicial, economic and education system".


The essential nature of the country will be assuming ever more concrete terms in the near future. Developing in tandem will be the inevitable race friction and tug-of-war over religious jurisdiction and strictures.


BN is Umno-monopolised; Pakatan has PAS as first among equals. The former is racialist and Malay race constitutionally equates Muslim; the latter is outrightly Islamist. Both leave minorities stranded between a rock and a hard place as to how Islamisation is shaping up.

HELEN ANG is a Malaysiakini columnist.

malaysiakini-Khoo Kay Peng: The myth of reform and March 8

The myth of reform and March 8

Khoo Kay Peng
malaysiakini, Mar 8, 10
5:06pm

comment Today is the second anniversary of the historical March 8, 2008 general election. This is the date any public relations adviser would tell the Barisan Nasional to avoid in calling for future elections.

It was clear that Pakatan did not win the 2008 general election. It took the three main opposition parties nearly 18 months to formalise a coalition and to iron out their differences.

Without the rejection of BN government in the five states and 82 parliamentary constituencies, the electoral pact between PAS, PKR and DAP would have remained just that - an electoral pact.

BN's stunning electoral setback was inflicted by mostly urban voters who had had enough of political excesses, corruption and power arrogance of the ruling class. And the problems continue.

There are enough signs pointing to a slow meltdown of the urban economy. Malaysia's growth sectors - plantations and oil and gas - are mostly concentrated in rural and semi-rural areas. These sectors do not offer many job opportunities for locals.

The urban population is facing a rising crime rate, slow economic growth, lower new jobs creation, steady increase in inflation and deterioration of living standards. The number of delinquents, dropouts and unemployed are on the rise. An informal report has put the undergraduate unemployment figure at almost 80,000 and climbing.

The workforce structure is another big dilemma for the government. Local unskilled workers find it difficult to compete with cheaper foreign labour who do not mind accepting low wages and zero housing allowance and insurance protection. Almost half of the three million foreign workers have entered the job market illegally.

Skilled and highly educated Malaysians are being led away by higher salary and better perks overseas. This group topped the list of overseas migrations. A parliamentary report had put the migration figures from 2007-2009 at almost 300,000. More than a million skilled Malaysians are believed to be working abroad.

Hence, a number of companies have lamented over the fact that they are facing a serious challenge to fill up highly technical and middle and top management positions.

Ironically, politicians have participated in a blame game. For example, there is an allegation that Penang government had turned away millions of ringgit worth of investment because it could not guarantee the supply of 1,000 skilled electronics engineers. However, it did nothing to facilitate the potential investor's needs.

The incident has a far reaching consequence. It is one of the strongest indications that Malaysia's industrial development structure may have collapsed due to excessive brain drain.

Our economy's inability to retain and attract skilled labour may dent our national development ambition to become a knowledge-based economy and society by 2020. We simply do not have the brain power to move up the economic value chain.

It will not take too long for a full hollowing out effect to be felt in several key sectors - high-technology manufacturing, information technology, financial, professional services, telecommunications and others. Even our assembly plants and low-cost manufacturers are relocating to other lower cost destinations.

Moderates vs conservatives
The administration of Najib Abdul Razak has responded to the socio-economic challenges rather meekly. The premier's liberalisation effort has lost steam after the opening up of 27 service sub-sectors.

Najib's economic vocabulary is quite limited. Arguably, economic liberalisation is not the only option in re-energising the economy. He needs to focus on apolitical reform of the education system which, in turn, will reflect on the quality of knowledge acquisition.

Moreover, his administration has to work extra hard to return public confidence and trust in the public institutions. The market reacts on perception. If public perceptions of Malaysia are negative, the country will not attract productive and long-term investment.

Malaysia must demonstrate its commitment to the rule of law and democracy. The administration must show that it has the wisdom to focus on the important big picture and not on petty religious and racial squabbles which do not benefit anyone.

Two years after March 8, there is little indication showing that the moderate voice in BN has prevailed over that of the conservative. Najib's reform agenda has hit the racial barrier before even it was fully implemented.

A coalition of more than 80 Malay organisations, the Malay Consultative Council (MEC), has stepped up its pressure on the government to keep the affirmative action in the soon-to-be announced New Economic Model. If it prevails, the economic model will be another case of putting 'old wine in a new bottle' and inspire no change to jumpstart the mediocre economy.

Najib faces the risk of being labelled as yet another Abdullah Ahmad Badawi (left), a reformist-wannabe who fears - and is toppled by - his own reforms.

There is a possibility that Najib administration might respond through a conventional way. Faced with the opposition to open up the economy and to allow the private sector to develop freely - which means dismantling the decades old race affirmative policy - the government has reacted by increasing the intake of public servants.

He has an option to expand the civil service and sustain all subsidies and grants. He has dropped the intention to tweak the petrol subsidy structure. His federal budget contained a huge amount of subsidies and grants. He had created a vehicle to help shore up bumiputera equity shareholding and to fund development on Malay reserved land.

These actions will aggravate his operating budget and leave very little for development expenditure. Like Anwar Ibrahim, the premier must exorcise his political ghosts. By allowing Perkasa more room to stir up communal sentiments, he is digging his own grave which may eventually bury his political career.

Lessons for all

Anwar had finally removed the thorn in his flesh in the form of Bandar Bahru Kulim Zulkifli Noordin, and chosen to strengthen his moderate and multiracial credentials.

Najib faces the same test with Perkasa, whose spokesperson Ibrahim Ali has fired another salvo against the Chinese by claiming that the community owns 60 percent of wealth. The wealth is held by the elite which includes many supported by the ruling regime. Like the Malays, the majority of Chinese belong to the lower- and middle-class working segments.

There are indications that Najib administration may bow to the demands made by the Perkasa-led MEC. Mukhriz Mahathir, a deputy minister, has announced that the New Economic Agenda is not going to ditch the affirmative action. In not doing so, the government will miss the opportunity to turn the Malays into “brutally competitive” (borrowing the words of YTL's Francis Yeoh) in economic terms and to enhance their capacity and capability.

Sadly, despite the political wake-up call the BN regime has refused to accept the voters' demand for greater accountability and better governance. The sense of denial is lopsided. It has inflicted only the core Umno leadership and some of its right-winged affiliates.

Not all BN component parties are ignorant of the need for democratic reform and better governance. However, most of them are fearful of not being able to survive without seeking shelter from Umno.

On the flipside, Pakatan needs more years to learn how to balance opposition with governance. It has to learn how to bite more than it barks.

Pakatan leaders are still reacting emotionally in states that they govern, thereby acting like an opposition. Undeniably, the dual role played by most of its state leaders, between state leadership and parliamentary opposition may have created a natural response to everything from its opposition instinct.

Pakatan leaders need mentoring from younger leaders and not from veterans who have perfected the art of opposition and know only this. Many of the younger leaders have opted to support them because of their faith in the newly-minted coalition to win federal power some day. Their mindset is better conditioned for governing.

The lesson for us voters is we may need to shout louder during the 13th general election since most politicians have a hearing problem.

On the second anniversary of March 8, the people should have faith in seeing through the political reform they have started, and not leave this solely to politicians.

In the process of democratic reform, politicians are laggards.

KHOO KAY PENG is an independent political analyst and corporate consultant.

malaysiakini-Neil Khor: March 8: What have we gained?

March 8: What have we gained?

Neil Khor
malaysiakini, Mar 8, 10
1:46pm

 
If there are Malaysians who still think politics is a walk in the park, the last two years and all the events associated with the body politic should disabuse them completely.

Ideals are good to have and like aspirations, they can motivate human beings to work for a better world but soon life has a way of beating some reality into us all. The challenge is not to give up but instead find ways to best contribute to the country.

March 8 2008 heightened our awareness about politics. The election results, mostly unexpected by politicians, jolted the entire country from slumber. Today, some two years later, politicians are still reeling from the aftershocks whilst Malaysians in general are still left dissatisfied.

14 months is a long time in politics and much has happened. At times it feels like Malaysia has taken one giant step forward and many tiny steps back. Progress towards a two-party system and a more democratic society is frustratingly slow. 

But after some 50 years of one-party rule, Malaysians now realise that there is an alternative to the BN. Malays especially have a real choice and Umno's monopoly over them is well and truly over.

Umno may still consider itself the sole representative of the Malays but they are sorely mistaken if they think that all Malays feel the same way about them. The same can be said about non-Malays thinking that they can trust only Umno to be "moderate" and willing to give them some say in government.

Malaysians now have a choice

Through Pakatan Rakyat and the examples of Pakatan state governments, a clear alternative has emerged. Malays have not been sidelined. In Penang, for example, more bumiputeras are receiving state contracts. The state allocation for Islamic affairs has doubled. But remarkably, it is PAS that has emerged a party non-Malays can trust.

The only way Umno can re-claim its leadership role is to lead by
example. Bribing and scaring Malaysians is no longer effective. Hiring bloggers to do positive spin and occasionally be objective is also turning out to be a short-term strategy. 

The problem with ruling for 50 years is that there is always some example in the past that can be dredged up to demonstrate one's faults. If one ruled so well, why is the country in the state it is in? If wealth was distributed so equitably, why is the income disparity so big especially amongst the Malays? 

In short, to have any credibility at all, Najib must return Umno to the values of Tunku Abdul Rahman and Tun Abdul Razak: service to the people. He must convince the likes of Tengku Razaleigh that Umno and the BN puts country first.

But emulating and echoing past policies is not enough. After 50 years of BN rule and great material progress, Malaysia is not the same country as the one ruled by the Alliance in 1970.

Most Malaysians are now living in urban centres and the Malays are now a majority in many of our towns and cities. In short, the geo-political divide between rural (Malay) and urban (non-Malay) Malaysia, which forms the underpinning of ethnic politics, is no longer so neat.

Both the BN and Pakatan cannot ignore the collective feelings of
dissatisfaction in nearly all urban centres and the more urbanized
states in Peninsular Malaysia. Dissatisfaction reflected in the way we
voted on March 8, 2008.

The problems of urban poverty, decaying public amenities, corruption and concerns about security are all felt most in towns and cities. It is in the cities that the BN faces its greatest test. For potholes affect us all with race and creed counting for little.

The problem of corruption
If ethnicity is slowly ebbing as a main emotional factor determining the way we vote, religion is now a more potent force. Like it or not, the Malays are now more Muslim and the moral standing of electoral
candidates will determine the way they vote. 

Umno has yet to rid itself of money politics. Pragmatists like Sharir Samad openly admitted that it will never be able to do so. But corruption is so chronic that it is no longer a lubricant but impeding smooth delivery of services. 

Schools, stadiums, bridges are rendered unsafe; submarines that cannot dive, jet-engines that end up in Uraguay; and then there is PKFZ! 

All this corruption can be traced back to the money politics that have infiltrated the BN's coalition of political parties. Umno should be worried for it is destroying the party's credibility. The goodwill built up by its past presidents has long been used up.

On the other hand, the moderate lifestyle of Nik Aziz continues to inspire Muslims and non-Muslims alike. In him, Malaysians realize that it is possible to live a simple life and yet be menteri besar.

More frustratingly to the BN, PAS' commitment to PR has become even more solid. In terms of religious credibility and in the fight against corruption, PAS trumps Umno any day.

Malaysians' eyes are open

To the non-Muslims, Malays becoming more Muslim is not a problem but when the government sits back allowing extremists to say and do as they like, they begin doubt the 1Malaysia slogan they are told.

What continues to amaze most Malaysians is our own self-control. The collective will never to be manipulated by gutter politicians and the refusal to play into the hands of the deranged few, is a signal that we have matured politically. Malaysia did not go up in flames over "cow-head" protestors, a burnt church, a mosque defiled and other stratagems.

A matured electorate can recognise a political ploy a mile away. In
the last 14 months, we have been bombarded by all sorts of political
antics. 

Malaysians had a crash-course in politics but we now have the
technology to exchange views and information. There was also a lot of
misinformation and this meant we had to become more discerning.

Hence, governmental propaganda is no longer effective. The opposition is also learning that it should not "over-promise". From the skull-duggery of the Perak fiasco to the Kelantan oil royalty issue; from Anwar Ibrahim's second sodomy trial to the PKFZ, Malaysians now know how vicious politics can be.

It is therefore not surprising that the target is now PKR. Two years after the electoral tsunami, this loose coalition of disaffected ex-Umno leaders and some committed socialists, have survived virtually intact. 

In terms of membership, PKR continues to attract moderate Malaysians and more disconcertingly for the BN, intellectuals and urban Malaysians. Breaking PKR would end Pakatan, deny Malaysians an alternative to the BN and reinstate ethnic politics and all its associated beneficiaries.

Where do we go from here?
Today, two years after March 8, the PKR is rocked by what appears to be a very public display of its disintegration but it must be doing something right for it to be so targeted. They say history often
repeats itself and what the Alliance did in the 1960s to the non-sectarian labour movement and the alternative Malay party (Parti Rakyat), the BN is doing to PKR today.

But ultimately, one must win over the people with ideas and deeds. The BN may very well succeed in re-claiming its two thirds majority in Parliament and will be able to gerrymander its way to another electoral victory come 2013. 

But it will be only be a matter of time before Umno's monopoly on power fade as an alternative Malay party emerges. Demographically, the Malays will constitute an absolute majority in a decade's time and Umno will eventually meet its match.

It will be impossible to continue sustaining NEP-like policies with dwindling oil reserves. There is no way we can compete for global talent as the last race-based nation in the world. With caning and other prescriptive forms of punishment imposed by an increasingly rigid religious establishment, we have moved closer to becoming a "theocracy". 

Sadly, the transition into a more knowledge-centric economy is stillborn because we simply did not invest in education properly. Without the reforms that Malaysians voted for in 2008 happening, the country has no future.

Many Malaysians have given up, preferring to leave the country forever. Others are now more resolved than ever before that they made the right decision. It is now up to the politicians to find the will and the ideas to lead.

malaysiakini-Kee Thuan Chye: Not a time to lose March 8 spirit

Not a time to lose March 8 spirit

Kee Thuan Chye
malaysiakini, Mar 8, 10
12:24pm

comment There was a lot of optimism right after March 8, 2008. There was a sense that things would get better. But has there been much change two years since that day?

Instead of seeing multi-racialism being freely accepted and manifested in government policies, we find ourselves becoming more divided along racial lines. Right after March 8, Umno embarked on its campaign to warn the Malays that they were under threat and to rise up against this.

The government has assumed a schizophrenic personality - the prime minister talks about 1Malaysia while his deputy says things that are completely contradictory. The PM talks about multi-racial unity while his own party campaigns for Malay unity.

Many of us had hoped that, after the elections, both Barisan Nasional and Pakatan Rakyat would set aside their political differences and get down to the business of working for the national interest, of saving this country. 

Instead, they have been doing their darnedest to do the dirty on each other. BN is coming out tops in that effort because it has the media under its control. Both seem to be doing their worst to win the next general election.


We hoped for leaders who would be honest, clean and respectful of us the people, who would not think we were stupid or immature. Quite soon after Najib Abdul Razak took over as prime minister, he told a gathering of senior mainstream media editors: “I have no baggage.”


The editors nearly fell off their chairs. If the No. 1 leader of this country can say something like that, what can we expect of the rest?


No wonder then Home Minister Syed Hamid Albar could say that Sin Chew Daily journalist Tan Hoon Cheng had been detained under the Internal Security Act (ISA) “for her own protection”. And current Home Minister Hishammuddin Hussein (right) could come out to defend the cow-head protestors and actually say “they felt victimised”.


But the 'best' comment on that incident came from Dr Mohd Khir Toyo: “There was no religious significance in bringing the head. The cow is a stupid creature and (the protestors) wanted to point out that the (Selangor) state government was being stupid.”


How did such a person become menteri besar of Selangor?


Instead of being a formidable force providing a strong opposition in Parliament, Pakatan is now fighting to salvage its image. The number of elected representatives who have quit PKR is distressing, and Pakatan can't blame the mainstream media for this. Neither can Pakatan blame anyone for its ability to produce 'frogs'.


Anwar Ibrahim promised us defections from BN to Pakatan on Sept 16, 2008, but it never happened. Now it's happening - but the defectors are from Pakatan. In any case, Anwar's attempt to take over the federal government on Sept 16 was misguided and merely exposed his true ambition - to be prime minister, above all else.


We now see infighting among Pakatan's elected representatives. We hear allegations of corruption in their ranks. We realise that many of them are in public service not to serve the public but to serve their own interests. All these negative developments threaten to erode our faith in Pakatan. Can they put their act together? Can they form a viable government?


After March 8, we hoped the government would undo the damage that had been inflicted on our country by the man who screwed up our institutions, created a culture of fear, fostered the negotiated contract, invested our money in white elephants - and still doesn't know when to shut up. The Americans could only make 'Avatar'; he managed to lead a country to the dogs. And yet the government has not dismantled the culture he created in order to restore our faith in the country's institutions.


On the issue of race, Najib's 1Malaysia project is mere window-dressing. It's old wine in a new bottle. And I'm not apologising for the non-halal reference. I leave that sort of apologising to Star.

What 1Malaysia is there when Najib says one thing and his deputy, Muhyiddin Yassin, says the direct opposite? The very day Najib publicly unveiled the 1Malaysia logo, Muhyiddin said Umno would fight to the last drop of blood to protect Malay rights. He has also said the BTN courses are uniting Malaysians in line with the 1Malaysia concept. How? Pray tell.


What 1Malaysia is there when Najib says one thing and his aide Nasir Safar says the Indians came to this country as beggars and the Chinese as prostitutes? And that “We can anytime revoke the citizenship of the Indians in Malaysia”?

Media failures


More insidious is the rise of the right-wing movement that the government has done nothing to discourage. Only last week, the Home Ministry granted its most prominent group, Perkasa, a permit to publish a fortnightly newspaper. Meanwhile, Utusan Malaysia and Berita Harian continue to pour poison into the ears of the Malays by spinning that they are losing their land and privileges.


Surely, Najib could put a stop to such spin since the newspapers are owned by Umno? Why doesn't he? Is it because he encourages media freedom? If so, why do we still have the Printing Presses and Publications Act, which requires media organisations to renew their licences every year at the pleasure of the home minister? Why is it still there to turn media owners and editors into eunuchs?


Star recently published an article which critiqued the caning of the three Muslim women for illicit sex, and public caning in general. When a few Muslim NGOs complained, the Home Ministry promptly issued the newspaper a show-cause letter. The ministry also insisted on an apology. So the paper dutifully apologised. No doubt all this is meant to intimidate Star so it won't dare to run such articles again.


Should it be frightened? How do we push the parameters if we continue to be frightened? How do we encourage healthy public debate? I personally doubt the ministry would close down Star. The public repercussions would be negative for the government. More importantly, BN would cease to have an important organ for the dissemination of its propaganda. Star reaches out to a wide non-Malay, mainly middle-class readership. BN can't afford not to reach out to these people.


Even after March 8, the mainstream media is failing us. Remember how relatively balanced they were in the months after March 8? Their owners realised that for the sake of public acceptance, they had to temper their pro-government bias and so they opened the window of objectivity by a few degrees. Besides, they had to hedge their bets in case Anwar did manage to take over the government.


But then when Sept 16 didn't happen, there was no need to consider that any more. So the mainstream media stopped being balanced. Months later, Najib took over as PM. He tightened the screws. Thereafter, the mainstream media went back to bashing Pakatan.


Selective change


To be fair to Najib, he has shown that he's serious about economic reform and he's trying to make Malaysia more competitive and to lure foreign investors. He has also come up with the Government's Transformation Programme that identifies six key areas in which the government intends to improve its service to the public.


The effects of all these, however, are not conspicuous yet. He did try to table three laws in Parliament to settle the touchy issue of religious conversion but this was forestalled at the last minute by the Conference of Rulers. But meanwhile, where are the institutional reforms?


When he became PM, he released numerous ISA detainees, among them the Hindraf leaders. But wasn't that done with the next general election in mind - to win back the Indians? What about the more important issue - the ISA itself? What is being done about that? And what about the Universities and University Colleges Act, which denies student participation in not just political activities but also social activities that are not approved by the vice-chancellor?


Recently, the Universiti Malaya Speaker's Corner was reactivated and a deputy minister who was somehow present at the event called it a clear example of the government's open approach. Someone should test what can't be said at that Speaker's Corner.


What about the law enforcement institutions? We have yet to see the setting-up of the IPCMC which could help reduce crime and police corruption, and promote better observance of human rights by the police.

The ACA was reformed to become the MACC to battle corruption more effectively. Look at what it's doing these days - mostly picking on opposition politicians to bring them to shame. Almost every opposition leader worth his salt is being investigated by the MACC. If you are not being investigated, you haven't arrived.


We could also go into the attorney-general's office and ask what has happened to the Lingam case, the PKFZ case, the RMAF case, the Hasbie Safar case, and whether the people who placed wild-boar's heads in the two mosques have been arrested. What do you think we might discover?

Shaking off fear


So, what good has March 8 brought us after all?


Fundamentally, I think Malaysians are becoming more courageous. More and more are speaking up. Fewer and fewer are kowtowing to the people in high places. We are struggling to shake off the culture of fear - and I think we are succeeding. Look at the turnout at candlelight vigils and protest marches.


At the protests against the ISA detention of Tan Hoon Cheng, Raja Petra Kamarudin and Teresa Kok, people whom you'd never expected to see at such gatherings actually showed up. Three years ago, such people would not have dared come near such activities.


There is a new spirit of defiance now, and we have models of defiance to show us the way - among them Anwar Ibrahim since the reformasi days, Raja Petra, P Uthayakumar, Mohammad Nizar Jamaluddin and his Perak band, and Malaysiakini. Instead of giving in to authoritative pressure, they stood tall. And that's how it should be.


Malaysians are no longer so afraid of another May 13. Sure, there is always the possibility of racial riots flaring up but people are generally more sensible now. Besides, no responsible government would want racial riots to erupt and frighten away investors. The recent 'Allah' issue reinforces that. Despite the puny efforts of a few to create an incident by fire-bombing churches, attacking a surau and depositing wild-boar heads in mosques, the opportunity for riots fizzled out.


The political battlefields of Malaysia are no longer so clear-cut and marked by Malays versus non-Malays. From the time of reformasi in the late 1990s, the split within the Malay community has been evident.

In the 1999 general election (GE), it was the non-Malay voters who saved BN from possibly losing its two-thirds majority. Compared to the 1995 GE, Umno's votes in 1999 dropped by 8 percent. Najib nearly got voted out of the Pekan constituency. He scraped through with a majority of only 241 votes.


In fact, as long ago as the mid-70s, it had already been predicted that a time would come when the major political strife would be between the Malays. The failure of the NEP to evenly redistribute wealth among the Malays has accelerated this. A class fight is settling in between the Malays who have not and the Malays who have a lot.


The real issue now is corruption. Many Malays have come to realise that the people who join Umno these days are largely doing so not because they believe in helping their own community but because they want to get rich.


Umno still tries to sell the idea of ketuanan Melayu but to the Malay have-nots, what is the meaning of that ketuanan? Even so, when push comes to shove, anything can happen. Much will depend on how effectively Umno plays the racial game. While it is unwise to look at the Malays as a monolith, it is equally unwise to ignore the tribal instincts of a community. Especially when it's constantly being told that it's under siege.


Looking forward on a more optimistic note, however, we have to acknowledge that March 8 has given us something precious for the next GE, and hopefully for longer into the future - choice. Now we have two coalitions to offer us their idea of a better deal. If we want to retain this duopoly that should work to our benefit, we have to nurture it. It sure beats having a monopoly.


The next GE will be crucial. It will determine whether we'll get more of the same old, same old or whether we will get real change. Whether we will continue to be a nation divided along racial lines or be hopeful of being a truly Malaysian nation. If we are to keep the March 8 spirit alive and make irreversible the trend to take Malaysia out of the dark ages, we have to do our part. Those who have not yet registered as voters should do so as soon as possible.


It's going to be a tough GE. Najib will want to prove himself worthy of being PM by winning it. He hasn't won one yet. He's PM now by default. He's PM because of 2,600 Umno delegates. That's the number that actually decided who would become prime minister. Only 2,600. We have seen in his handling of Perak how ruthless he can be when it comes to such things. So we need to be vigilant.


One of the tactics BN will resort to is gerrymandering. This might explain the recent PKR defections. BN will need a two-thirds majority to push through a Bill in Parliament calling for a redelineation of parliamentary constituencies. If it succeeds, redelineation will be really bad news for Pakatan. The opposition will have to strive even harder to win constituencies re-drawn to favour BN.


As it stands, Sabah and Sarawak seem secure for BN. To ensure that, Najib has been pumping more and more money into those states. In the peninsula, 70 percent of the current parliamentary seats are Malay-majority seats. That's where PAS and PKR have to work really hard to deliver the votes. If they lose the battle for the Malay votes and Sabah and Sarawak remain loyal to BN, not only will Pakatan not make it to Putrajaya; BN might get back its two-thirds majority.


Whatever it is, when the next general election comes around, it might be appropriate to recall the words of Franklin Roosevelt: “The only thing we have to fear is fear itself.”


Choice is what we have now. That has been the gift of March 8. We should exercise that choice - for the betterment of our country. And exercise it without fear.

KEE THUAN CHYE is the man behind the book 'March 8: The Day Malaysia Woke Up', which is also available in Chinese.