Showing posts with label abuse of power. Show all posts
Showing posts with label abuse of power. Show all posts

Sunday, July 3, 2011

malaysiakini: Anwar: Arrest of Jeyakumar an insult to Parliament


Anwar: Arrest of Jeyakumar an insult to Parliament
Jul 3, 2011 2:56pm
Opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim has condemned the police's arrest of Sungai Siput member of parliament Dr Michael D Jeyakumar as an insult to “democracy and the institution of Parliament in this country”.

NONE“As an elected member of parliament, he has the right to voice the aspirations of the rakyat who want free and fair elections,” said Anwar in a statement today.

The PKR de facto leader was responding to the placement yesterday of Jeyakumar and five others in detention under sections 3(1) and 4(1) of the Emergency (Public Order and Prevention of Crime) Ordinance 1969.

The Emergency Ordinance (EO) is similar to the Internal Security Act, which allows police to detain suspects for up to 60 days.

Section 3(1) provides for the arrest and detention of any person without warrant or trial under grounds contained in 4(1) that the person is acting in a manner prejudicial to public order, to suppress violence, or prevent other crimes for any period not exceeding two years.
psm jeyakumar and 5 others arrest under emergency ordinance 020711 1PM Najib Abdul Razak today said the EO detentions were due tosuspicions that the six were involved with subversive elements and to prevent more serious incidents from taking place.

Apart from Jeyakumar (far left, in photo), 56, the other members are PSM deputy chairperson M Saraswathy, 58, central committee members Choo Chon Kai, 33, M Sukumaran, 50, Sungai Siput branch secretary A Letchumanan, 49, and Youth leader Sarat Babu, 25.

Anwar, who is Permatang Pauh parliamentarian, also condemned the authorities for slandering the Bersih 2.0 coalition advocating free and fair elections as a subversive movement and its planned rally on July 9 as contributing towards a threat to public security.

“It has been said many times, the Bersih secretariat has stressed that the rally to be held on July 9 will be a peaceful assembly.

NONE“The Bersih secretariat had even sought to negotiate with the authorities so that its demands over elections (reform) can be implemented. 

“But these demands and urgings have been rejected with the utmost arrogance.

“The authorities need not fear with the demands, which it is hoped will bring good to the people and nation of Malaysia,” he added.

Anwar called for Jeyakumar's release and that of other five from detention under the EO and that the government respect rule of law and constitution.
No fear
Meanwhile, Perak PAS condemned the arrests in Kuala Kangsar under Section 27 of the Police Act for illegal assembly when they were found with T-shirts promoting the Bersih rally.

Aged between 19 and 40, they were picked up in a raid at a shophouse in Kuala Kangsar, about 45km from Ipoh yesterday.

NONEState criminal investigation department chief Dzuraidi Ibrahim had said today the suspects were stamping logos on t-shirts, pertaining to the illegal rally, when the police raided the premises at about 10am.

The five had their statements were recorded at the Kuala Kangsar police headquarters before they were released on bail.

The police, said Perak PAS information chief Ahmad Nuri Al-Amin in a statement, looks as if they are looking for evidence to detain people under Section 27, while acting against a basic principle that an act cannot be deemed illegal before it has been committed. 

“The police are actually trying to associate wearing the Bersih yellow T-shirts with sedition, provocation and prejudice against Bersih's peaceful assembly,” said Ahmad.

He called for the release of all persons detained over the Bersih fiasco, while urging the people not to be fearful of exercising their right to peaceful assembly as provided for in the federal constitution. 

Ahmad also asked whether it is not the police's actions that will turn Bersih chaotic.

Sunday, June 19, 2011

malaysiakini: Power is duty, not a prize.... by Razaleigh Hamzah

Power is duty, not a prize
Razaleigh Hamzah
Jun 19, 2011, 10:29am
 
Malaysia's post-colonial history began with optimism and a grand hope in 1957. When Tunku Abdul Rahman, the first prime minister of Malaysia, proclaimed our Independence at the Merdeka Stadium in the unforgettable words that "Malaysia is a parliamentary democracy with an independent judiciary," he had a vision of a happy people in spite of the formidable economic problems we needed to solve.

declaration of indepenceAfter that dawn of independence, there was a search of how we could achieve this happy society, fulfilling the needs and aspirations of all Malaysians which was to continue for the generations to come. He symbolised the concept and conviction of generational responsibility in his vision.

Tunku Abdul Rahman and his generation were dedicated leaders, not for power but a sense of duty to the present and the future. They were not in politics for the money or for themselves. Indeed, even after they had assumed power, they never used their position to benefit themselves or their families, nor did they build loyal cronies who would act as their financiers or hold any wealth unlawfully earned at the expense of the people.

The guiding philosophy was responsibility of public office. Public office was seen as a duty, not as an opportunity. The public office was also part of their sense of political commitment to create a Malaysia that was fair, just, cohesive, and balanced. This was combined by a deep conviction of generational responsibility for those who would come after them.

Our three lost decades

One of the greatest losses in public life and in politics today in Malaysia is that loss of generational responsibility. Everything seems to be surrounded by greed and the desire to be billionaires.

This had led to a pyramid of cronies within the incumbent political parties and their associates in business. It is this combination of the hierarchy of political cronies and business cronies that led to the centralisation of power in the incumbent political leadership and in the Office of the Prime Minister.

orang asli protest in putrajaya 170310This power in one individual allowed the manipulation of the political system; I mean by this the institutions of power including the media. In exchange for the centralisation of power, greed and self-interest were encouraged by example and in the guise of racial loyalty deserving rewards.

This is the case in all the parties within the power structure. This state of affairs is one of the most dangerous and difficult to dismantle because there has been three decades of centralised power.

The political style that has dominated in these lost three decades has been "double-think" and "double-talk". One of the features which is alarming in this plan to maintain status quo is the encouragement covertly of racial and religious obscurantism.

The underlying theme was a policy of using a balance of racialism and religion on the one hand and talks of unity on the other hand in order to make the people hostage to the status quo of power.

As a result, racialism and racial concerns seem to have a grip on all aspects of our lives, in politics, economics, education and employment, irrespective of the present reality which has got nothing to do with race or religion. We are deliberately made to feel that we are hostage to these forces.

Freedom of speech and expression of our political concerns to change the atmosphere are restrained by how it will be interpreted by those who want to deny us the right to differ.

Article 10 of the Constitution which guarantees this freedom is almost non-existence or subject to fear of retaliation or defamation. Legal suits intended to silence legitimate concerns of public responsibility are increasingly used.
Unfortunately, our judicial system has forgotten the fundamental importance of Article 10 to the democratic life of Malaysia. Common sense seems to have been taken out of the law.

Obscene income inequality gap

On the economic front, income inequality in Malaysia has widened. Some studies suggest that Malaysia's inequality is wider than Thailand's or Indonesia's.

Historically, the concern was about ownership and control of the economy. It was the view of some that if ownership was de-racialised or balanced at the top, economic justice would follow. It is no longer a valid premise for the future.

Income inequality is no longer a problem between races; it crosses the racial divide and it is a problem of the majority of Malaysians who feel the pressure of inflation in almost every essential aspects of their lives, challenging their well-being of themselves, their families, and their future.

Today and in the near future, this is the most serious challenge we face. It is not an easy challenge to overcome. It is a time when Malaysia needs leadership of the highest quality and of those who have the moral courage to change and re-think our economic policies.

It is in these circumstances that we face the serious problem of rising food prices, inflation in price of houses compounded by shortage in housing for the vast majority of young Malaysians.

Lack of economic expansion to give all levels an opportunity to use their talents to seek work that is commensurate with their contribution, their needs of daily life, and to narrow the inequality gap, is the threat of the future.

Therefore, we should be concerned about the justification of the removal of subsidies that affects the low income because that will further widen the inequality and open the society to social disorder and disintegration, and increase social incohesion.

It is in this context that I raise the issue about independent power production companies (IPPs). The privatisation contracts are today protected by the Official Secrets Act, and therefore we are unable to really know whether or not the public and Petronas, as trustees of the public, are directly or indirectly subsidising these companies and the tycoons who are benefitting at the expense of the public.

petrol price hike protest 2 100306 klcc towerRelated to the question of the withdrawal of subsidies is the deficit that the government suffers from in managing the economy. This question cannot be separated from the way that the government has managed the nation's finances.

If the deficit is as a result of wastage, corruption and extravagance in the use of public funds, then the solution to the problem should not be passed on to the public. What is needed is a reexamination of the management of the country's finances before taking any drastic steps that would affect the well-being of the people.

We need to know the reality behind the apparent subsidies that are given to the public and its relationship in the totality of the management of the public finance. Only after we know the truth - and the whole truth - should any change in the policy of subsidies be implemented, as the consequences would have life-changing impact on the livelihood of the people.

In the circumstances of rising inflation in food, stagnation of the economy and income, we should not do anything that would widen the disparity of income which would cause social instability.

Rule of law, not of men


The challenge today is for the return to generational responsibility in politics and public office. This can only be achieved if we have democracy and parliamentary power which is responsible.

Democracy was the basis of the founding of the state of Malaysia by the Constitution in 1957. When it was briefly suspended in 1969, the leaders of that generation were uneasy, and they restored democracy as soon as possible.

That is because they realised that democracy has an intrinsic value in creating a citizenship that is not made up of sheep but of responsible citizens. Only responsible citizenship that understands democracy can bring about stability, cohesion and economic prosperity.

During those days, it was ingrained in that generation of leaders that democracy was not only a form but a value system that respected the essential institutions of democracy like the independence of judiciary, the supremacy of parliament subject to the Constitution, the respect for fundamental rights, and free speech.

palace of justice 260207 01They also understood the meaning and primacy of the rule of law and not of men. They also knew that democracy is the common heritage of humanity that we inherited and have a duty to continue. The law that they understood was also from the common heritage of all civilised nations.

And one of our inheritances is the common law system of the rule of law which is enshrined in our constitution. They knew that the phrase "common law" meant the wisdom that is passed to us in the progress of law and the values that are encapsulated in the law governing public office and responsibility to society. That laws are meant to enhance democracy and freedom but not to maintain and continue political power that is inconsistent with the rule of law and the constitution.

Independence did not come with peace but with very difficult problems, particularly the management of the economy and transforming it to bring about a balance between all the racial groups.

They realise that some of their problems had roots in the history of Malaysia. There was a serious imbalance between the countryside and the urban sector with racial dimensions which were too sharp. Indeed, poverty was also quite prevalent. There were open discussions and experiments.

Some of you may remember that one of the highlights of public debate was organised at the University of Malaya under the title, 'The Great Economic Debate' every year. That disappeared with the changes in the Universities and University Colleges Act and the decline of universities' autonomy.

The search was to eradicate a sense of inequality between the various peoples of Malaysia, whether because of one's identity and social origins, or for other reasons. It was as part of this search that during Tun Abdul Razak's time, the Second Malaysia Plan was launched in 1971.

We need to be reminded of the objective of that plan:

"National unity is the over-riding objective of the country. A stage has been reached in the nation's economic and social development where greater emphasis must be placed on social integration and more equitable distribution of income and opportunities for national unity."

Erosion of the Malaysian Dream


That dream was slowly eroded from the mid-1980. The hope that we had at that time is now challenged in the most serious way.

Recently, Petronas announced that it had made a RM90.5 billion pre-tax profit. If we accumulate the profit of Petronas over the years, it would come to a mind-boggling figure of billions and billions.

Yet, the greatest poverty is found in the petroleum producing states of Kelantan, Terengganu, Sarawak, and Sabah. This moral inconsistency in a way exemplifies how the nation's economy is mismanaged and how the institutions set up in the 1970s have lost their objective and commitment to solving the immediate and pressing problems of the nation.

NONEPetronas was set up with the objective of serving the nation's interest as a priority. It was never intended to give Petronas a life of its own as an incorporated company for selected individuals to profit at the expense of the national interest, nor was it the objective to allow Petronas a cooperate existence independent of national interest.

What is needed is for institutions like Petronas is to have a national focus rather than maintain a multinational status. The aim of making Petronas a multinational cooperation at the expense of national interest is contrary to the Petroleum Development Act.

Petronas should have a Petroleum Advisory Council to advise the prime minister on the operation of the law as well as the management and utilisation of its resources as spelt out in the Petroleum Development Act.

Another example of the abuse of power is the privatisation of certain government institutions which were set up as a public service to serve the people.

Bernas is one example of a privatisation of an essential commodity as a monopoly for a group of people and owned partially by two companies in Hong Kong. An essential commodity such as rice should not have been privatised for business purposes. We are the only rice producing country that has privatised and given as a monopoly to one company the importation and distribution of all rice products.

rice paddy padi beras from thailand in malaysia 190307The reality today is Thailand and Indonesia are self sufficient in rice and we are dependant on 30 percent of imported rice. But because it is a monopoly, imported rice is cheaper in Singapore than Malaysia.

Privatisation for the benefit of private individuals to profit from such an essential commodity is a clear abuse of power. It would not have happened in those days. But with the centralisation of power in the office of the prime Minister who had the party under his absolute control, anything was possible!

I will suggest to you that there was a deliberate plan to centralise power in the leadership in a surreptitious manner. Unfortunately the nature of racial politics blinded us of the reality behind certain policies and conduct of leaders at that time.

RM880 bil in capital flight

The decline of democracy, the abuse of power, and the mismanagement of our economy and the nation's finances, the economic waste, the lack of national cohesion in our economic policies led to the flight of capital in the region of RM880 billion over the years from the 1980s.

That was the beginning the lost decades and the full impact of the consequences of the economic policies which has continued since then, is yet to have its full impact on our national lives. And when it does the consequences are unpredictable.

The centralisation of power in the Office of the Prime Minister and the attorney-general had a major role in this state of affairs. The challenge today is to reverse the centralisation of power and restore the check and balance of a genuine democracy.
We need to reclaim as citizens of Malaysia our rights in a democracy; that power and authority are positions of trust and responsibility, not to serve personal interest or as an opportunity for personal enrichment. We need to reassert as politically active and responsible citizens the concept of social obligation and public service in those who seek political office. Power is duty, not a prize.

We need to rethink our economic policies. Particularly in the focusing on the national objectives that are urgent; economic policies is not only about wealth creation but needs to have a moral dimension which takes into account the well-being of all citizens as the ultimate priority over profits.

I have given you a broad sweep of the past and a bird's eye view of the looming problems of managing our economy as it is today. I hope this will open a dialogue which benefits all of us.

TENGKU RAZALEIGH HAMZAH is former finance minister and Gua Musang MP. The above speech was part of the Perak Lectures, organised by Perak Academy on June 18 in Taiping.

Tuesday, March 15, 2011

UN report: Malaysia has abused human rights... by Aidila Razak

UN report: Malaysia has abused human rights
Aidila Razak
Mar 15, 2011, 2:45pm

Malaysia failed to fulfill its promises despite being elected to the United Nations Human Rights Council, with a laundry list of transgressions taking place when it was serving its term, a human rights reports says.

NONEAccording to the New Delhi-based Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative (CHRI), Malaysia had not only continued to apply "draconian" legislations, but also failed to stand up for vulnerable groups it pledged to back when it was elected onto the UN council in 2006.

"Despite Malaysia's pledge to actively support international action to advance the rights of vulnerable groups including children, refugees, asylum seekers and legal and illegal immigrants, they still suffered and child marriages continued to take place," it said.

When elected, said the CHRI report - entitled 'Easier Said than Done' - Malaysia also made a show of how it had successfully balanced the need for security and the promotion of human rights.

However, in the years that Malaysia sat on the council, the Internal Security Act (ISA) was used against opposition parliamentarian Teresa Kok, a journalist reporting on racist statements by an Umno division chief and a dissenting blogger, Raja Petra Kamaruddin, it said.

Choosing not to re-contest for a spot in the council after it term ended in 2009, Malaysia continued to misuse the ISA to curb religious freedom by detaining nine foreigners attending a purportedly Shii'te meeting in January 2010.

There was also evidence of abuse of the Sedition Act during its term on the UN council, with activists like Wong Chin Huat detained under the ISA for organising people to wear black in protest of the Perak coup.

The year 2009 also saw DAP stalwart Karpal Singh and Mohamad Sabu nabbed for sedition, with the latter's alleged offence being organising a mass prayer on the day a new menteri besar was to take up office in Ipoh.

Malaysia voted only on weak resolutions

The same period also saw the government announce intentions to censor the Internet, while journalists reported harassment, particularly after reporting on the protests over a Hindu temple in Shah Alam.

"Malaysia's Human Rights Commission (Suhakam) remained weak, while discrimination based on religion and ethnicity continued to be a major concern," the CHRI reported.

It also failed to uphold its promise to support the efforts of UN agencies to promote and protect human rights by "discouraging efforts by the special rapporteur on torture" on the death penalty.

CHRI also reported that Malaysia supported weaker resolutions on transgressions in North Korea, Sudan, Congo and Burma, among others, although consistently voting against Israel.

Civil society monitors?
Commenting on the report, Suhakam commissioner Muhammad Sha'ani Abdullah said the commission has continued to take a stand against legislation that goes against human rights, including the right to assemble.
"We are not obliged to repeat the government's position, and we go with human rights principles. (Like the right to assemble) which may be illegal but is a basic human right," Sha'ani said.

The new Suhakam team has been seen monitoring street demonstrations to ensure that police do not abuse protesters.

He said Suhakam is also trying to lobby the government to allow civil society members to be part of the five-person delegation to the UN as a means of keeping the government accountable.

"This is practised by other countries and is encouraged by the UN. Otherwise Malaysia will continue to vote for human rights resolutions internationally, but won't deliver its promises at home," Sha'ani added.

Sunday, January 2, 2011

malaysiakini: Malaysia's lost decade... by Josh Hong

Malaysia's lost decade
Josh Hong
malaysiakini: Dec 31, 2010, 2:24pm
After much dithering, I picked up the courage 10 years ago this month to return to Malaysia. Prior to that, I had spent a good 11 years in London, where the 'miserable comfort' was both real and surreal to me.

I knew I had to put up with some serious miseries in Kuala Lumpur: horrible traffic congestion, notoriously disorganised public transport, and an economic 'miracle' that had been brought to its knees by the financial crisis in the late 1990s.

But there were hopes too. The general elections in November 1999 had dealt a severe blow to Mahathir Mohamad's autocratic and megalomaniac style of government, while a new political course was struggling to make its voice heard, one that was no longer premised on race and the feudalistic loyalty that it demanded, but on one's civic duties as a dignified citizen that respect the rule of law, fair play and justice.

In other words, I wanted to see the end of the Mahathir regime, which was plain racist, arbitrary and corrupt to the core, and see it replaced with an alternative that truly championed the people's causes. Ten years on, my initial hopes have largely evaporated.

Since Mahathir's 'retirement' in late 2003, we have had two more prime ministers, but neither of them has grasped the opportunity to reform the country root and branch.

If anything, political culture in the country has only gone from bad to worse. Malaysian politics is divisive; it always has been. But it was the power-crazy Mahathir whose 22 years of rule that had sharpened the religious, ethnic and class differences. Every time when his power was threatened, Mahathir showed no qualms of resorting to racist and communal politics for survival.

Throughout the last decade, there was one word that made the most frequent appearance in the Malay press: pengkhianat (either of bangsa or Negara). 
 
Whenever Umno is pressed against the wall, the party leadership is quick to accuse its detractor of being an ingrate or a running dog to a foreign power. This is a tried and tested formula, engendered by Mahathir and perfected by his successors. Their latest tactic is to hide behind the Malay rulers, oblivious to the fact that national/religious/racial is no substitute for our dignity as individuals who cherish freedom.

Mahathir brought in Anwar Ibrahim in 1982 to shore up Umno's Islamic 'credentials', and did not hesitate to demonise PAS throughout the 1980s and the 1990s. Extremism begets extremism, and one would only expect the opponents to fight back with more vigour and determination, hence the increasingly conservative religious climate across the Peninsula. Soon, Sabah and Sarawak will succumb to it if Umno has its way.

The aftermath of pandering PMs

Both Abdullah Ahmad Badawi and Najib Abdul Razak have failed to respond to this. Instead of putting the nation (or are we a nation in its classical sense?) back on the secular track as envisioned by the Federal Constitution, Mahathir's successors have only managed to pander further to the religionists, albeit in a different way.

Religious authorities are now emboldened to threaten members of the public, Muslims and non-Muslims alike. People like Azwan Ismail risk becoming social outcasts unless they keep their true identity hidden. Meanwhile, removing non-Islamic symbols is an unwritten requirement if one desires the prime minister to grace one's religious occasion.

In the event of lack of public support and state protection, I would suggest Azwan to emigrate. Facing threat from naked religious power and confronted with an indifferent society, emigration is always the safest bet.

This is not a time to engage in scholarly or religious debate over the issue of sexuality when one's life is at risk. No fiddling when the weak minorities are being cursed, please.

As for non-Muslim bodies, there is one simple way to save yourselves the dilemma of having to avoid using religious signage: stop inviting politicians for religious functions.

After all, it is not the presence of the prime minister that saves one's soul. If one insists on such feudal practice, then be prepared to live with the humiliation and stop complaining.

At the societal level, ethnic divisions have only become more visible. Every single issue can conveniently become tinged with racial or religious colour, and the public's attention is easily shifted. Despite the March 2008 political tsunami, people on the street now only feel more alienated from each other.

Corruption maggots' endless feast
Yes, Teoh Beng Hock died a tragic death, and it is only right that all conscientious Malaysians are aggrieved by it.

But there are many more innocent deaths too, such as that of Gunasegaran and Aminulrasyid Amzah, and it is time that we have a concerted and nationwide effort to bring justice to their bereaved families. Sadly, cross-ethnic solidarity remains slow in coming.

Finally, none of our leaders has demonstrated the actual will to root out corruption and overhaul our economic structure. The appointment of Mohd Isa Samad, the tainted former menteri besar of Negri Sembilan, as Felda chairman is the latest case in point.

Furthermore, our economy remains anchored in the fraternity between tycoons (predominantly Chinese but increasingly multiracial) and the ruling elite. The 'loveable rich' pledge their allegiance to Umnoputras in return for economic favours, required by the 'political and economic architecture to bribe as well as to lobby', as described by Joe Studwell in Asian Godfathers.


The end result is the rapidly widening inter and intra ethnic income gap evidenced by the mushrooming of modern condos and service apartments in Malaysian cities that cater mostly to the super-rich. Liew Kee Sin of S P Setia Bhd., a top property developer, has indeed thrived under the New Economic Policy, but he does not speak for the majority of Malaysians who merely eke out a living.
Still, it is nearly an insurmountable task to make this raw reality plain to the general public (the Malays especially) because of Umno's media manipulation and its camouflaging of class dominance with ethno-populism.

Tony Benn, a British Labour veteran and a staunch socialist, attributed Britain's social malaise in the 1980s to Margaret Thatcher's philosophy that measured 'the price of everything and the value of nothing'. Listen to his excellent speech in Parliament, and one will be astounded to know how much the issues elaborated by Benn are relevant to Malaysia's lost decade.

What would become of Malaysia in the next decade to come? I certainly hope I will live long enough to see it. Happy New Year!

Monday, September 20, 2010

malaysiakini: A nation of failed economic development plans... by AB Sulaiman

A nation of failed economic development plans
AB Sulaiman
Sep 20, 10
1:45pm
COMMENT The world can be a nasty place especially in terms of planning, where your best and well intentioned plans can produce the worst unintended results. The country's numerous development plans is a perfect example of this.

declaration of indepenceSince Independence we have always strived to be a country with strong social, economic and political credentials: a strong healthy and united people, public safety and security, great infrastructure, mature democracy, clean human rights record, good education system, governed under rule of law, and of course, a justice-minded judiciary.
To top them all off we are to enjoy a per capita income equal to the peoples in advanced economies. We wish to be an advanced country in our own right.

The current realities are anything but. The people are fragmented while some are migrating to friendlier lands, our infrastructure while adequate is wasteful, our democracy is an ugly disguise for authoritarianism, our education system produces non-thinking graduates, the rule of law has become the rule by law, and the judiciary is an international laughing stock.

The latest world indices would confirm this. There are many but I'd mention just two. First, the 2009 figures for FDI showing an 81 percent fall from US$7.32 billion to US$1.38 billion. At this paltry level we now have joined investment-unattractive countries like Myanmar, Cambodia, Laos and Timor–Leste.

Not only that, apparently the FDI into Thailand and Indonesia have overtaken that coming into Malaysia, once the darling of international investors.

Two, as for per capita income we are at about US$7,000 while the advanced countries we wish to join are at US$30,000 and above. We are less than a quarter of the way to our self-proclaimed goal.

On looking back, we started well in the arena of economic development, but somewhere along the line we faltered and very badly.

Faltered from the start

I reckon we faltered beginning 1970 when we introduced the New Economic Policy (NEP). This was when we began propounding and experimenting economic development plans beyond the parameters of sound economic principles.

Specifically we made plans and projections not in the interest of the country, but in the interest of a segment of the population, namely the Malays.

Now this might be an explosive statement to make so I have to make my stand clear.

The fact of the matter is that the factors of production in an economic set-up are land, labour, capital, entrepreneurship, and in an increasingly knowledge-based world economy, on the ability to access and utilise knowledge. I 'borrow' these factors as principles for economic development.

For an economy to expand therefore, all scarce resources must be optimally channelled for the development of these principles.

I'd reiterate: develop land, inject capital optimally for investment, encourage entrepreneurship, enhance the level of knowledge through smart education. Only then can the economy expand and achieve sustainability.

This last element of sustainability is important – the developing economy must reach a level when it can sustain or regenerate itself without anymore support from any planning agency.
Anything less than this and we can see an economy not going anywhere, and could in fact regress, like our current situation. Lim Kit Siang sums it well – the economy would be a 'work in regress'.

What has gone wrong with our string of development plans? In my view there are several, and I mention them here despite being aware that many commentators have mentioned them constantly. Perhaps there can be some wisdom in saying the same things again, hoping somewhere along the line the decision makers can begin to listen.

Several hundred billion USD wasted

First, after 1970 we seem to divert the elementary formula for economic development mentioned above, into some non-optimal channels resulting in massive wastage. Our planners channelled land development mainly to the Malays. We made development plans for sectarian, not for national interests.

malaysia formula one race 170305 petronas team posingIn this way the Malays gain comparatively easy access to scarce capital they cannot fruitfully use because of their lack in entrepreneurial skill and spirit. Their lack in education and knowledge have rendered their productivity level below that of their non-Malay counterparts.

I am aware of course that this resource misallocation was for a special reason and thereby meant to be implemented only for twenty years. But when this time was up the authorities would merely forget this proviso.

As events turn out, such allocations have proven to be below optimum level; even wasteful of scarce resources. External observers have noted that the NEP wasted several hundred billion US dollars!

Favouring race over economics

When the leaders saw that the Malays could not cope and the non-Malays restive they use race and religion to both spur the Malay on and to push away any non-Malay disgruntlement. In other words the leaders dismissed the traditional economic factors of national asset creation in favour of Malay racism and cultural hegemony under the banner of Ketuanan Melayu; and of Islam.

I might be out of academics but I have never known racism and religion to substitute economic factors in any country's asset creation efforts. Surely the planners have not forgotten that this new formula was experimental in nature and to last only for twenty years.

In any case, here we see the early unintended results of the NEP. On the part of the Malays we see a community of people developing a false sense of confidence that they have progressed ahead on the platform of race and religion; whereas in actuality they have not.

On the part of the non-Malays they see the wastefulness of the country's allocation of scarce resources in the interest of racism and religion as the sure way towards non-sustainability and regression.
And yet the authorities would prevent the citizens to even debate the issue.

No post mortem conducted

Come 1990 and the NEP report card had shown the recklessness of this development programme. Malay achievements were nowhere in sight.

Would there be some form of post-mortem analysis to see the good and bad points? To see whether the country should progress ahead in the same race-and-religion principles?

There has been no such effort, not to my knowledge anyway. It has been more of the same: more racism, more religion. And here we see the continuation of a string of failed development programmes.
mahathir malaysiakini interview 020207 denialDr Mahathir Mohamad (left) announced the Vision 2020 stating that the country would join advanced nations by this magical year. It was well-intended perhaps, but with the economic principles remaining unchanged, that is in favour not of the country but of the Malays, the country began its slide downwards.

When Abdullah Ahmad Badawi took the reins of power, many people had thought that he might just do the right thing to put the country back on the right track again. But he used religious motives (remember Islam Hadhari) to lead the people forward – there was no change there either.

Now we have Najib Razak leading the nation out of the dangerous zone of falling into the steep precipice of a failed state. He has his own plans of course, and its called 1Malaysia: people first, performance now. Will he make any headway?

I just say this to him for whatever it is worth. Go ahead with your development plans based on the proven factors of production as mentioned severally above.

But do not be distracted by sectarian interests, nor for religious considerations. Go for optimum scarce resource allocation and economic sustainability.

AB SULAIMAN is an observer of human traits and foibles, especially within the context of religion and culture. As a liberal, he marvels at the way orthodoxy fights to maintain its credibility in a devilishly fast-changing world. He hopes to provide some understanding to the issues at hand and wherever possible, suggest some solutions. He holds a Bachelor in Social Sciences (Leicester, UK) and a Diploma in Public Administration, Universiti Malaya.

Sunday, April 11, 2010

Stand Up for Justice by William Leong Jee Keen, Selayang MP

Stand Up for Justice
by William Leong Jee Keen, Member of Parliament for Selayang
February 12, 2010
 
On February 2, 2010, the battle for Malaysia moved into a decisive phase, the trial of Anwar Ibrahim. Although Anwar Ibrahim is in the dock, Malaysians are on trial .
Malaysians are put to the test.
Do Malaysians want Ketuanan Melayu or Ketuanan Rakyat ?
Are Malaysians prepared to pay the price for change ?
Are Malaysians prepared to fight for change ?
Malaysians have to decide whether to act or allow our institutions to be perverted for political ends.
Malaysians have to decide whether they want democracy, equality and liberty enough to fight for them.
Malaysians are tested on their will to fight.
Will we find the going too difficult ?
Will we find it easier, more convenient and expedient to accept rampant corruption, abuse of power and oppression ?
Anwar was fully aware after his release that they will lock him in again if he returns to fight.
That is the price Anwar is prepared to pay.
Anwar is prepared to fight.  Anwar will never surrender
The question is whether Malaysians are prepared to fight with him and never surrender ?
Attempt to tar and tarnish Anwar

Anwar Ibrahim is in the dock for a second time because he wants to lead Malaysians out of the darkness of racial politics, religious intolerance and authoritarian arrogance.
Anwar wants to lead us into the light of multiculturalism, mutual respect for religions and the rule of law.
Those in power are afraid of Anwar.
They dare not face him one on one.
They dare not face him and Pakatan Rakyat on a level playing field in open battle.
They prefer to ambush him.
They prefer to snipe at Pakatan from the cover of the bush.
They dare not face all Malaysians in open debate.
They prefer closed door meetings.
They are so afraid they are continuously adopting ever increasingly extreme positions on race, religion and royalty to hold on to power.
They want to tar and tarnish Anwar Ibrahim as a traitor to his race and religion.
They want to make sure he will not be able to lead and to open the minds of those who have been closed by half a century of propaganda and misinformation.

Race, Religion and Royalty

It is no coincidence that before the trial, Muslims and Non-Muslims have to deal with such sensitive issues as the use of “Allah”, the burning and attack on churches and other places of worship and when the desired response was not forthcoming, suraus have been attacked.
Malaysians were put to the test.
I am proud to say that Malaysians passed the test.
They showed Malaysians have the wisdom and the tolerance not to be provoked by these trouble makers.
It is no coincidence that these mischievous troublemakers have been desecrating religious symbols after the 12th General Elections.
They stomped on cow heads and now resort to throwing boar heads.
Boar heads wrapped in newspapers and plastic tied with a string so that the person throwing will not have to touch it.
I have never come across a Chinese who hold a pig with a string !
It is no coincidence the special assistant to the Prime Minister calls Indians beggars and Chinese women prostitutes.
Last year one of their leaders called Malaysians of Chinese descent “Pendatang”.
It was a seditious statement.
He was suspended as an UMNO member but it was Teresa Kok and a Chinese newspaper reporter that were detained under the ISA.
It is no coincidence Kapal Singh is charged for sedition for insulting the King.
It is no coincidence that Biro Tata Negara holds civics courses for civil servants that race and religion comes before the nation.
It is no coincidence we hear the repeated cries that only UMNO can save the race and religion.
Those that have tasted power and money that comes with it will not give up easily.
They will use all means fair or foul to stay in power.
They have used the government agencies.
They have used the institutions.
They have used the institutions to grab Perak from its people’s government.
They have used all in their power grab the Perak government from its people.
They are using all within their power to destabilize Selangor.
They are now using all their power to lock away Anwar.
Malaysians must fight back.

People want Change

All these happened because you want change.
All these desperate acts are because you want fairness, you want justice, and you want the rule of law.
Today we are tested again.
We were tested 10 years ago.
Too many of us then were afraid.
Too many of us then knew it was wrong but we had property to look after, we had our business to think about, we had a wife and family.
Let someone else protest. Let someone else demonstrate.
We will cheer from the safety of our homes.
We will stay on the sidelines out of harm’s way.
We failed.
Ketuanan Melayu won. Ketuanan Mahathir won. Ketuanan wang won.
The system was perverted so they could put Anwar away.
Anwar was jailed for 6 years but they damaged our constitutional institutions and took away our fundamental rights in the process.
For some of those that stayed on the sidelines because they had property, the perverted system stole their property.
The Federal Court decision of Adorna Properties vs Boonsom Boonyanit turned Malaysia into a thieves’ paradise.
For some of those that stayed out of harm’s way because they had a business, the perverted system robbed them of their business.
The Federal Court decision of Insas Berhad vs Ayer Molek was so unjust the judge said that “ Something is rotten in the House of Denmark” [where the courts were located at that time].
The police and enforcement agencies instead of protecting us became a danger to us.
Kugan went into a police station and was found dead.
Teoh Beng Hock went to the MACC office and was found dead.
Altantuya went into a police car and was found blown into bits by C4.
Malaysians did not go to jail with Anwar in 1998 but Malaysian paid the price for allowing the checks and balance to be dismantled.
Malaysians allowed the institutions to be perverted.
Malaysians allowed our agencies to be abused.
Malaysians are paying for it.
Today the script is taken out a second time.
Are we going to allow them to win a second time ?
Are we going to stay silent again ?
Are we going to let them take us down the road to perdition again ?
Are we going to allow them to win a second time ?
Are we going to stay silent ?
Are we going to let them take us down the road to perdition again ?
Or are we going to stand up? Are we going to shout in one voice and say Stop this nonsense !
Are we going to say give Malaysia back to Malaysians !
Give us back our pride and dignity.
Stop taking us for fools.
The people have woken up that the people can make a difference.
Each vote counts.
Each vote can make or break us.
But there are still those who have not woken up.
They are still those who cannot see.
They read Utusan Malaysia and The Star.
There are still those who have not heard.
They listen to RTM.
There are still those who do not realize that UMNO and BN are taking Malaysia to the backwaters.
They are frightened by the propaganda and the misinformation.
This is why Dato Seri Anwar and KeADILan are important.
Dato Seri Anwar can touch them.
Dato Seri Anwar can touch their hearts and their minds.
KeADILan can show Malaysians we can have a multiracial party, a multicultural party, a multicultural nation and together we can regain our place in the international arena.
We can regain our pride and dignity.We can live in harmony and prosperity.

Frustration and Despair

On March 8, 2008, you voted for change.
I know today you are frustrated, angry and in despair.
The mainstream BN controlled media reports that the three parties in Pakatan Rakyat are bickering amongst themselves.
Perak was lost because  three elected representatives jumped across.
Zulkifli Nordin is running around and saying things that UMNO will say and not what Pakatan Rakyat MP will say.
Zahrain Hashim, Tan Tee Beng and Wee Choo Keong are given wide media coverage for saying that things are not all going well in Pakatan.
What, you ask, is going on ?
Firstly, if we believe in the freedom of expression, we must accept that just as some people will not like to hear what we have to say, we have to accept that these people will also have the right to say what we do not like to hear.
Secondly, if we believe in the rule of law and the rules of natural justice, then we must apply the rule that no man is to be condemned unheard.
The right to be heard is an important rule of procedure.
If we believe in these principles then we must follow them.
Party discipline will be instilled.
Those who can explain and justify their actions will be excused, those who cannot will be dealt with and punished in a manner that fits the severity of the offence.
The party will cleanse the impurities and straighten the indiscipline.

Traitors

KeADILan representatives have been tested and are constantly being tested. Unfortunately, several have failed the tests.
If you are angry and frustrated, I am angry and frustrated one hundred times more than you.
The problem of traitors and treason has been with us since history began.
We will never know what lurks in the hearts of men.
Caesar found out too late and was assassinated by Brutus his closest friend.
Jesus Christ was betrayed by Judas, one of his own 12 handpicked apostles.
France elected Marshall Petain to lead them in  World War II against Germany only to see him surrender and hand over France to Hitler after only a few weeks.
Americans appointed Benedict Arnold in their war of independence as its general only to see him cross over to the British.
However, I know that truth and right will always prevail for many more who answer the call and come forward.
Marc Anthony came forward and saved the Romans from Brutus.
The apostles spread the message of Jesus Christ after Judas.
General Charles De Gaulle liberated the French from the Germans.
George Washington won the war of independence for the Americans.
I take heart that there are many leaders in Pakatan Rakyat who are loyal and honest.
They seek to serve, to strive and not to yield.
I know that many more of you will come forward and offer yourselves to serve our cause.
Focus

You and I  started a journey on March 8.
We are walking on a tight rope from the 12th General Elections to the 13th General Elections.
We have to focus on the rope in front of us.
BN is trying to shake us and throw us off balance.
Some of those whom we trust have fallen and some others may fall in the days to come.
You must know that in this walk you are not alone.
There are many of us who will walk with you.
We will walk with you and take you from the darkness in the valley of shadows to light at the mountain top.
Nelson Mandela said it is a long walk to freedom.
We must stay focussed in this walk.
We must keep our faith and take heart that right and truth always prevail.
We must take heart that if we hold on together we will overcome.
It always has and always will.
Free Anwar

We must focus on the threat before us.
It is not Anwar that is on trial.
We, Malaysians, are on trial.
The world is watching us.
We, Malaysians, must stay the course.
We must continue our fight for truth and justice.
Anwar is a victim of injustice.
Malaysians are victims of injustice.
The trial is not Anwar’s fight alone.
It is not Keadilan’s fight alone .
It is all Malaysians’ fight.
It’s everyone’s fight.
All of us who desire democracy, justice and liberty must stand up and with one voice call on Najib to release Anwar, to release Malaysia.
We must stand up and be counted.
We must stand up against corruption, abuse of power and oppression.
We must not allow those who use racial disharmony, religious sensitivities and misguided nationalism to rob us.
The price of liberty is eternal vigilance.
The price of justice is constant action.
Justice and liberty must be fought and refought every day.
We must be prepared to pay the price before we can begin to enjoy the blessings.
I am sure that if we stay focussed, if we stay together we will prevail.

Wednesday, March 24, 2010

malaysiakini-Josh Hong: Fear and anxiety

Fear and anxiety
Josh Hong
malaysiakini, Mar 19, 10
3:03pm

Pastor Rony Tan of Lighthouse Evangelism in Singapore recently shot to fame for all the wrong reasons, as he was reportedly called by the island state's Internal Security Department to explain his contentious and disparaging remarks on Buddhism and Taoism at a church event, which many found offensive.

He finally apologized in order to soothe the mounting anger.

This senior Christian leader is no stranger to controversy: he was once criticized for attributing childhood abuse to homosexuality and linking gay people with paedophiles, which merely laid bare his ignorance of the sexuality issue as a whole.

Around the same time, a teenager by the name of Kenneth Lin launched a petition to demand an apology from Minister Mentor Lee Kuan Yew (MM Lee, 'affectionately') for telling the National Geographic that Singaporeans had become "less hard-driving and hard-striving".

When interviewed by the Temasek Review, Lin went a step further by accusing the strongman of controlling the state media "for his own greedy needs".

Such downright criticism is a rarity indeed, but it only served to unnerve the church that Lin is affiliated with.

Needless to say, pastors and elders were compelled to sit down with him to 'lance the boil'.

That the Buddhist and Taoist communities in Singapore reacted angrily to the denigration by a Christian pastor is perfectly understandable.

Still, one can see from the overwhelming online responses that cooler heads did not quite prevail.

Many used it to justify their view that such 'sensitive issues' would only 'undermine religious harmony' and 'give rise to social unrest'.The proposed solution? Public discussion on religion is a no-go area, some would say.

Searching for false conformity

Sounds familiar? The very same argument is repeatedly heard here in Malaysia too! But is it possible to create a mature and rational society without tackling openly religious differences with a view to seeking common grounds?

As for Lin's teen valour, it exposes the conservative nature and fear of politics on the part of Singapore's religious establishment to the full.

In a country where politics is the sole monopoly of the People's Action Party (PAP), religious bodies are made to behave more like a supplement to enhancing social harmony on behalf of the authorities, rather than functioning truly and freely as a vibrant part of civil society.

In Singapore, nothing demands more courage than voicing one's dissent to the ruling elite. When the PAP government decided to construct the Integrated Resort - an euphemism for casino - several years back, all the major religious communities were alarmed, seeing the move as the path to perfidy and decadence.

MM Lee, fearing that his son Lee Hsien Loong might not stand his ground but cave into the mounting pressure, came out in full support of the project.

Since then, all the discontent of the religious leaders may be expressed only "internally".

As Malaysians, we know what that means.

Shut the mouth and enjoy life

Such is the realist dilemma confronting Singapore: a model under which the powers-that-be ensure superb efficiency and the best possible quality of life, while depriving the masses of the right to genuine participation in decision-making and democratic process.

With greater material comfort comes easier manipulation, so the reasoning goes.

As the masses become acclimatized to what "should" be publicly discussed and what should not, they are also likely to expect others to 'play by the rule' instead of rocking the boat.

Such mentality is engendered by nothing but oppressive fear of 'turmoil', which prompts the majority to seek refuge in a false conformity.

While it is true that Malaysians' political awareness has vastly improved since the March 8 general elections two years ago, it does not stop Barisan Nasional - like the PAP - from resorting to fear-mongering in response to the rising calls for democratization.

Just look at the way Hishammuddin Hussein Onn reacted to the series of attacks on places of worship, when he time and again threatened the public with the notorious Internal Security Act.

Hishammuddin is perhaps the antsiest politician I have ever seen, as his unnecessarily excessive reaction is driven by a deep sense of anxiety.
Character foundation wobbly
A keris-brandisher, he is easily provoked, often allowing his fickle temperament to get the better of him. I cannot help suspecting all his antics are merely part of a feeble attempt to affirm his 'manhood'.

Just last week, Hishammuddin was again outraged, this time by a China Press headliner that Inspector-General of Police Musa Hassan was on the way out.

True to form, he went on to warn that sensationalizing any issue to boost sales could be met with stern action if proven untrue.

umno agm 250309 hishammuddin wield keris 03Hishammuddin issued the Chinese tabloid with a show-cause letter (which it has kept quite a few over the years), and reiterated the seriousness of the "unfounded" report.

Quite clearly, he worked hard to ensure the public feel the brunt of his anger and shut up under a climate of intimidation and fear.

Why such a big deal? In a real democracy, all public office bearers deserve apology when news related to them is misreported or misrepresented.

However, for a government to make a mountain out of a molehill and pursue the wrongdoer relentlessly is nothing but meanness and arrogance that borders on paranoia.

In a society where information flows freely, errors are inevitable. One may chastise, clarify or apologize, but never to throw the baby out with the bath water by curtailing freedom of speech with an atmosphere of intimidation.

Moreover, the China Press had not been completely off the mark, for Hishammuddin himself confirmed the next day that Musa Hassan is indeed to be replaced soon!

All governments are in the habit of playing on the 'vulnerability' of the masses so that they can justify their grotesque behaviour and even lunacy in the name of "protecting the public".

It would not have been possible for the Bush administration to wage catastrophic wars on Afghanistan and Iraq without the pervasive fear generated in the aftermath of the September 11 tragedy.

One must not forget too that the terrorist attacks scared the western media out of their wits that many were willing to go along with the wars, a sheer outcome of shrinking public space for rational debate.

A society living in constant fear is also unable to behave normally. I was therefore least surprised when some Malaysian Christians held the Catholic Church responsible for "blowing the usage of Allah out of proportion".

After all, they had long accepted the received wisdom of not confronting the government head-on!

In fact, the world is big and spacious enough for one to speak truth to power without being radical (though radicalism itself has been a positive catalyst for change throughout history).

Sadly, many choose to remain silent before political chaos, mostly out of fear as well as for vested interests, which only benefits the ruling elite in the long run.

In either Singapore or Malaysia, the ruling elite tend to tempt the masses into giving up their right to meaningful political participation with promises of 'social stability' and 'affluent life'.

But is it not paradoxical that a government that is duty-bound to manage the country well should not only claim the credit, but take away our freedom of thought along with it?

Listening to the opposing views and making our voices heard are conducive to our collective health. Engaging Khoo Kay Khim, Ridhuan Tee and Perkasa leaders in public debate is also vitally important to creating a vibrant civil society, which is also likely to weaken the hegemonic discourse of the powers-that-be.

But it is up to the individuals to decide if they want to be critical citizens or submissive subjects.

JOSH HONG studied politics at London Metropolitan University and the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London. A keen watcher of domestic and international politics, he longs for a day when Malaysians will learn and master the art of self-mockery, and enjoy life to the full in spite of politicians.

Thursday, March 11, 2010

Malaysian Insider: Moving forwards or backwards? — Martin Jalleh

Moving forwards or backwards? — Martin Jalleh

Malaysian Insider, MARCH 7, 2010 — The catchphrase and chant of 2009 was “change”. The political tsunami of March 2008 brought about unexpected, unthinkable and unforgettable change to the political landscape of Bolehland. The country and the political divide were left with no choice but to change — for better or worse!

No one has been so conversant and committed to change than Najib Razak. As the year began he masterminded the change of the legitimate government in Perak. He tried successfully to convince the citizens of Bolehland that all dubious change is possible and can be made “legal”.

As the historic day of him being PM neared, Najib hammered home his message of change: “If we don’t have the courage to change, the people will change us at the next general election”. Umno heeded his warning. The first thing that they did was change their president! Pak Lah was hounded out of office in March.

Pak Lah had failed to translate rhetoric into reality. The Umno warlords wrapped in a world of their own made him a scapegoat. They were also largely responsible for reducing Umno into a fragmented “formidable” force. It was their resistance to change that had contributed to the rot. Such refusal to reform continued throughout 2009.

As the days passed, Najib’s “change” appeared to be one of taking the country back to the bad old days. Lim Kit Siang would remark: “In Najib’s pre-100 days as Prime Minister, the country is already seeing increasing signs of the powers-that-be reverting to the “old ways” of restricting freedom and silencing criticism…”

At the 59th Umno General Assembly held in March, Najib rallied on the delegates towards change. He said Umno needs leaders who “dare to change and are accepting of change, who dare to criticise and are willing to accept criticism”. Sadly, he and his cohorts did not appear to be receptive to criticisms in the days that followed.

Najib also reminded the delegates that if Umno was to remain relevant then the indispensable role of the new media must be recognised. He declared: “Like it or not, we cannot regard the new media as our enemy…” Unbelievably, six new-media organisa-tions would later be denied accreditation to Umno’s general assembly!

In October 2009, Umno held an extraordinary general assembly to take what Najib called “a bold and brave step in amending the party’s constitution to make it more transparent, inclusive and democratic”. Proud of the changes that took place the Umno President declared that the amendments are “not cosmetic. They represent concrete and significant changes.”

But former de facto law minister Zaid Ibrahim was unconvinced: “Of course, Umno…has introduced some change in their internal party processes but what about the mind-set of the leaders? We see no change whatsoever. It’s all cosmetic. The more things seem to change, the more they remain the same. They will never change.”

In an article, Barry Wain, author of the book Malaysian Maverick: Mahathir Mohamad in Turbulent Times believes Najib’s political background and baggage “doesn’t recommend him for the role of reformer” and “almost everything about Mr. Najib proclaims the status quo”!

Fanciful slogans
On April Fool’s day, The Malaysian Insider reported that Najib, in his final public address before his swearing in as PM “gave a hopeful glimpse into his administration ... when he said that the new thrust of his government will be One Malaysia”.

For the rest of the year the citizens of Bolehland were bombarded with the slogan without knowing what Najib had in mind. Najib did not giv a clear picture of 1Malaysia, neither did Apco Worldwide, a global PR firm, employed to re-engineer and redeem the PM’s flagging image at a rumoured price of RM20 million or more. As columnist David D. Matthew would write: “slogans by itself are often nothing more than convenient rhetoric… 1Malaysia… is an empty slogan disguised as a solution.”

Tunku Abdul Aziz, a former chairman of Transparency International and DAP vice-chairman, argued that the PM has to “venture beyond sloganeering and spell out in terms that are concise and clear what he has in mind when pontificating on what appears to thinking Malaysians to be nothing more than a party dogma being shoved down their throats as part of a ploy to regain the non-Bumi electoral support.”

“How does Najib propose to give practical effect to his excellent concept given the reality of Malaysia’s race-biased policies of racial discrimination? Does he not see a contradiction? Is he clear in his own mind what he is talking about?

“For now, it remains a slogan and, without a clear vision of what 1Malaysia is intended to be, it could well turn out to be nothing more than a grand illusion. Does he really believe that he has what it takes to reconcile Umno’s pathological obsession with bumiputra rights on the one hand with the principles of inalienable equality for ALL Malaysians on the other?

1Malaysia without complete equality of opportunity is nothing if not a cruel and dishonest practical joke.”

Undoubtedly, Umno’s coalition allies were of no help in bolstering Najib’s 1Malaysia message of unity. They were busily engaged in bitter internal battles and endless bickering throughout the year, refusing or pretending to bury the hatchet in spite of the possibility that they could be burying themselves for good!

In his concluding line for the year, Lim Kit Siang highlighted the charade and chicanery the new PM had put the nation through: “After nine months (of Najib’s premiership), ‘1Malaysia. People First. Performance Now’ has proved to be mere publicity and propaganda puff of Najib’s premiership with no meaningful change or consequence to the lives of Malaysians.”

Fires of fanaticism
In September 2009, the United Nations General Assembly heard from Foreign Minister Anifah Aman the 1Malaysia concept which “aims at fostering appreciation and respect for all races...(and) envisages unity that arises from true acceptance instead of mere tolerance...” At home, the slogan remained but one perfect “performance”!

Relentless racism ran deep and wide in the year. Racial baiting was at its worst. Umno leaders had a free hand in playing the racist card to the hilt while they hid behind their hype and hypocrisy over 1Malaysia and went on a hysteria from time to time.

The racism was so glaring. It resulted in Minister in the PM’s Department Nazri Aziz revealing that the Cabinet had conceded that courses by the National Civics Bureau (or Biro Tatanegara, BTN) were racially divisive and used to promote certain government leaders. There was a need for an overhaul.
As the long debate raged on, Nazri told those who defended the BTN courses (which were compulsory for new civil servants and public university undergraduates), they were in a state of denial. Muhyuddin had sided with those who refused to acknowledge Nazri’s contention that the BTN was a mockery of Najib’s 1Malaysia concept.

The controversy began when seven Selangor Pakatan Rakyat lawmakers said a big part of the programme had nothing to do with nation building or education but was an Umno and BN race-based programme during which participants were indoctrinated with propaganda about “Ketuanan Melayu”.

When Dr Mahathir joined in and insisted there was no need to revamp the BTN courses, Nazri called the former PM a “bloody racist”! Mahathir told Nazri he should resign from Umno because if he were against racism, he should not be in a “racist party”. In return, Nazri conferred on Dr M the title “the father of all racists”.

In 2009, the Umno-owned mainstream press, especially Utusan Malaysia, went on a spree of spinning falsehood, spouting lies and spewing seditious articles with impunity whilst enjoying immunity of the Home Minister, who was ever ready to stop or suspend Opposition publications at the slightest and smallest excuse!

The Malaysian Insider reported Utusan’s ugly and unethical ways: “The Utusan (Malaysia) has been a mouthpiece for Umno ultra-nationalists and a tool for defending the party’s “Ketuanan Melayu” (Malay supremacy) policy. The newspaper has also been criticised for being used to attack the opposition and ratcheting up racial tensions.

The paper also suggested that DAP was anti-Islam and said Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim was willing to betray the Malays to be prime minister — both incendiary subjects in mainly Malay-Muslim Malaysia. Its articles have labelled the Chinese community as ‘pendatang’ (immigrants) and the Indian community as ‘keling’.”

As the year came to a close, Nazri Aziz (who had earlier castigated Utusan Malaysia for defending the BTN courses) condemned the Malay daily for its “outdated racist propaganda”, saying that the Umno-owned newspaper must accept that Malaysia is a multi-racial country.

Umno’s insolence also ruled in matters concerning religion. Using Utusan Malaysia as its main instrument, the party continued to politicise religion for its survival by creating unfounded insecurities amongst Muslims and a distrust of other religions and wrongly applying the concept of Malay supremacy and exclusivity to Islam. They also implored the name of the rulers when it was convenient.

Religious bigotry reared its ugly head. The event that laid bare Malaysia’s religious divide took place on 28 August 2009, after Friday prayers during the month of Ramadan, when about 50 Muslim protesters who opposed the relocation of a Hindu temple marched from the Selangor State Mosque to the State Secretariat with a severed cow head. (Hindus consider the animal sacred.)

Amid chants of “Allahu Akbar” they threatened bloodshed, kicked, spat and stomped on the cow’s head and left the severed head at the entrance of the State Secretariat while riot police stood by and watched!  Home Minister Hishammuddin Hussein later met some of the protesters and justified their demonstration!

It was only a matter of time before “Asia’s melting pot of races and religion” would boil over…and it did a few days into the New Year — in the aftermath of a landmark ruling on 31 December by the Kuala Lumpur High Court. The court ordered the lifting of the Home Minister’s ban against the Catholic church publishing the word “Allah” in its weekly paper, Herald.

The resultant fire bombs on churches reduced to ashes and made a mockery of Anifah Aman’s boasting of the “true acceptance instead of mere tolerance” amongst all races and religions in the nation. After being PM for nine months, Najib failed to fight the fires of religious fanaticism often fanned by his own party, but took flight behind the facade of 1Malaysia!

Faltering institutions
As Najib and his cohorts portrayed themselves as agents of change, they at the same time manipulated the nation’s democratic institutions to contain, cripple and crush legitimate dissent and/or to hinder genuine change advocated by the Opposition.

Key institutions such as the Judiciary, the office of the Attorney-General, the Police and the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission ended up becoming the tools of the government. They were no longer perceived as impartial. (See accompanying stories on the police and the judiciary.)

In early March 2009, the Pakatan Rakyat Perak state government was forced to hold an “emergency sitting” under a raintree. An Adun, when supporting one of the motions, spoke of an “institutional crisis” in the country. He then corrected it to “constitutional crisis”. He was in fact right: the country’s institutions were in a grave institutional crisis and the nation was heading towards becoming a failed State!

During the Perak constitutional crisis, then Bar Council president Ambiga Sreenevasan said that she was alarmed that “our institutions, that is the courts, the police, etc., are being tested..... What is going on in the state shows a total breakdown in relation to the structures and sanctity of the legislature”.
There is no better and lasting symbol of institutions decaying in Malaysia than the judiciary. In 2009, the V K Lingam video clip case reinforced its rot even further. The government took the findings of the Royal Commission rather lightly. It made the Commission, one appointed by the King, look like a lame duck.

The government ended its two-year charade when the de facto Law Minister made a laughing stock of himself as he lectured Parliament on what may be morally wrong could be legally or politically correct, correct, correct. With his ‘no further action’ declaration, public suspicion of the cattle-trading culture in the judiciary lingers on.

Another institution that allowed itself to be a mouthpiece of the political masters was the Election Commission. In Perak, it made a mockery of the Federal Constitution when it portrayed itself as a court of law and illegally usurped the authority of the Speaker of the Perak state assembly.

The above unconstitutional act was endorsed by a Federal Court ruling which opened the floodgates to potential interference by the Commission in the country’s legislatures including Parliament. During the year the Commision made declarations and decisions that were blatantly biased and undermined public confidence in its independence.

Fatal flaw
Another “institution” that failed was the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC): 2009 was the first year of its existence. It was frowned upon as a “monumental failure” and a farce in its task of tackling corruption. It became a favourite tool of the Umno government to repress the opposition.

Five months after the introduction of Najib’s slogans, the respondents in a Star online live chat revealed that the key national institution that they had least confidence in was both the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) and the police. Only two per cent of the respondents rated the MACC’s performance in fighting corruption as “good”.

The fatal flaw of the MACC was that it was not politically neutral as stated by Lim Teck Ghee. 74 per cent of the respondents in a poll by the Merdeka Centre said that they were dissatisfied with the government’s handling of corruption and abuse of power issues. A majority of them felt that the MACC was biased.

Since its much hyped up launch on 1 January 2009 the then MACC’s chief commissioner, Ahmad Said Hamdan, “has managed to put his mouth into overdrive while shifting his brains into reverse” as observed by Tunku Aziz. He chose to retire early and will remain haunted by how he had handled the “very small case” of the death of Teoh Beng Hock.

By the end of 2009, it was obvious that corruption in the country had worsened since the formation of the MACC. Malaysia’s anti-graft crackdown was, in reality, a breakdown that saw the country plunge nine places in the Transparency International corruption rankings ( The Malaysian Insider)!  It was also a mockery of Najib’s declaration that “the fight against corruption was one of the six KPI priorities of his administration”.

Parliament, the country’s supreme law-making institution turned 50 in September 2009. Sadly, in spite of Najib’s many slogans, it remained a rubber stamp. The shocking scene in February of wheelchair-bound Karpal Singh being surrounded by a hostile group of Umno Youth thugs while the police and security personnel stood idly by at the Parliament lobby said it all!

Speaker Pandikar Amin Mulia revealed in March that “Parliament is no longer like a first-world Parliament anymore”. He had a role in this. He was ever ready to reject the motions moved by the Opposition to debate crucial issues that would enhance radical reform and was at times ridiculously biased towards the government.

The civil service as an institution was also crumbling with civil servants failing to understand their role and the importance of their impartiality. In fact in January this year, Najib said he “wants the public sector in the country to become a fully professional service without political inclination”. It was obvious why he did not say it earlier in Perak.

Collapsed buildings and the collapse of a suspension bridge in Kuala Dipang, Kampar, in October where three young school girls were killed were constant symbolic reminders of the reality and repercussions of faltering institutions.

The impact of the breakdown in institutions could be increasingly seen not only in the political domain but in every arena of life – education, health care, environment, and use of natural resources. It also resulted in the further marginalisation of minority groups in both East and West Malaysia.

Tengku Razaleigh pointed to the source of the faltering institutions when he expressed sadness that Umno has “indeed lost its soul” and “become corrupt, this corruption has weakened it, and as it grows weaker it is tempted more and more to fan racial feeling and abuse public institutions to maintain power. This is a death spiral.”

He sagely added. “Our major public institutions and our political system have degenerated to the point that the public no longer trusts them. A democratic system of government cannot function below a certain threshold of public confidence. The suspicious death of Teoh Beng Hock under the custody of a watchdog body reporting directly to a prime minister who has his own public confidence issues may have pushed us below that threshold.”

He concluded: “What we must do now goes beyond political parties. We need the rakyat to rise up to claim their institutions, and demand that our public institutions are answerable to them. We must wake up to our sovereignty as citizens, reclaim the constitution which constitutes us as a nation and guarantees our rights, and demand a comprehensively reformed government to restore public confidence. We must do this before it is too late.”

A divided nation, decaying institutions, a dour economy and a PM dogged by allegations — perhaps the events and issues of the year 2009 point to the reality that all real, relevant and radical change can only come about by a change in government! There are those with raw courage whom we saw during the year, who are willing to risk their lives for such a change. But we are prompted to ask, is the Opposition ready? — aliran.com

* This article is the personal opinion of the writer or publication. The Malaysian Insider does not endorse the view unless specified.