Malaysian Insider: Attacks on churches: the broader implications — Dr Syed Husin Ali

Attacks on churches: the broader implications — Dr Syed Husin Ali

JAN 18 — Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak almost jumped in anger when a reporter asked him if there was truth in the allegation that Umno was behind the recent attacks on the churches. Some people interpreted the nature of his response and body language betrayed as an admission of guilt.

Home Minister Datuk Seri Hishammuddin Hussein on another occasion tried to belittle the issue by saying that the attacks on these places of worship as the work of mischievous children. By this he showed an irresponsible attitude of a person in deliberate denial.

I consider these attacks, which are still continuing although causing less damage, to be a serious cause for concern. They have resulted in fissures and tensions among various ethnic and racial groups, although they have fortunately not triggered conflicts and clashes. If not handled with care they could result in long term social rupture and chaos.

I also hold that the series of attacks were indirectly or even directly the results of the statements made by Najib and Hishammuddin. Following the Allah controversy, they stated that those who wanted to demonstrate could do so within mosque compounds. Consciously or unconsciously they had provided an opening to extremists to act.

There is a view among a considerable number of people — rightly or wrongly — that Najib and Hishammuddin at the beginning were hoping to use the Allah issue and the demonstrations to muster support from Malay-Muslims.

This is said to be consistent with their plans to mobilise big enough Malay support to counterbalance the heavy losses suffered from non-Malay support during the general elections nearly two years ago. Now they are determined to regain the two-thirds majority in Parliament and control of the five states that the Umno-BN lost to Pakatan Rakyat.

There is nothing new in efforts to regain lost support from voters by resorting to ethnic and religious appeals. Without having to go far back into history, we can see this clearly from recent events following the unexpectedly big electoral gains made by the opposition parties in the last elections.
It started in Penang when a group of people opposed to and demonstrated against Chief Minister Lim Guan Eng for allegedly displaying strong anti-Malay sentiments by calling for the abrogation of the New Economic Policy.

This small group of extremists, largely Umno members and supporters, with the help of the Umno-owned daily, Utusan Malaysia, tried very hard to whip up Malay communal anger. They failed rather miserably.

Things cooled down after Bernama, the government influenced news agency admitted their mistake and withdrew their incorrect quotes from the CM that was used by the demonstrators. Immediately after that almost the same kind of attempt was made in Perak, although the issues were slightly different.

Here again, a small number of Malay extremists mainly from Umno and their supporters acted with the support of the same newspaper and a handful of Umno leaders. They accused the Chinese from DAP committed “treason” against the ruler (because Lim Kit Siang called for a boycott of the swearing in ceremony) and that the Pakatan Mentri Besar from PAS had become the tool of DAP.

The attempt of these chauvinists failed to get support of the people. Later in Selangor, a small group of similar type of extremist elements tried to stoke ethnic flame by raising the issue of a centralised pig farm mooted by the state government.

They used racial and religious arguments against this in order to gain support for their demonstrations. Despite strong support from Utusan Melayu and even a TV channel, they failed miserably. The move fizzled out especially after a leader of the demonstrations was exposed as being involved with an earlier project for such a farm under the auspices of a company linked to Umno.

Two observations can be made from the efforts of the extremists as described above. Firstly, they resorted to playing with Malay chauvinist sentiments in the efforts to gain bigger Malay support for Umno.

More dangerous than this, a handful among these extremists were known to express the hope that communal clashes would occur so that the government can act by using the ISA or even resorting  to declare a state of emergency. They wanted a repeat of the May 13 Incident, which they believed could be manipulated to regain control of the states that they had lost to the opposition.

Secondly, although the actions of these handful extremists were given unstinted support by Utusan Melayu and, to a limited extent by some Umno leaders, they failed to gain support from big groups of people, including the Malays.

I believe that the main reason is that the people in general are more conscious and intelligent now. They knew that the extremists were playing with fire and that if they were given full support, disaster and suffering would befall the country and people. The majority of people want peace and harmony to prevail in the country.

When Najib and Hishammuddin gave the green light for demonstrations to be held after the Allah controversy broke out, they provided opportunity to similar irresponsible and extremist elements to continue with what others had failed in the past. Both government leaders practiced double standards.

They claimed they could not control if people wanted to demonstrate, although they had come down with very heavy arms on demonstrations by opposition groups, even when they were held in mosque compounds.

Many suspected that by giving the green light they were perhaps surreptitiously hoping thousands of Malay-Muslims would come out in support. A massive turn-out could be interpreted as popular support for the government decision vis-à-vis the Allah issue. Obviously they must have been thoroughly disappointed.

Only about 500 people gathered at Masjid Negara and roughly 400 at Masjid Shah Alam. In Masjid Kampung Baru only about 200 people assembled, while in the Kota Bharu Stadium there were also about the same number.

As stated earlier, the people are now more intelligent, and they would not allow themselves to be carried away and deceived by narrow ethnic and religious appeals.

When these demonstrations failed, some perhaps decided to resort to other more dangerous actions, like the attacks on the churches. Indeed some of them perhaps wanted ethnic and religious flame to flare up. Without shame they would welcome it if their actions resulted in the ISA being used and Emergency being declared.  Fortunately, most people including some ministers are more wise and sober now.

Besides the church attacks and the demonstrations in the various states controlled by Pakatan, as described, there have been other types of efforts and conspiracies to discredit and weaken the opposition parties and to mobilise support for Umno.

A number of Umno leaders, again with the support of media propaganda especially by Utusan Melayu and also certain TV channels have been attacking PKR and PAS as well as their leaders, including Datuk Nik Aziz Nik Mat and Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim. Anwar particularly has been constantly targeted in the Malay media as having sold out to the Chinese because of his declared stand on the NEP, education and other policies, based on justice for all.

It can be said that the majority of Malays have not been convinced by such chauvinist propaganda. That is why such allegations levelled against Anwar by even Deputy Prime Minister Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin have been receding. But certain government or Umno-owned media, especially Utusan Melayu continue to demonise Anwar.

Related to all these is the second round of attacks and attempt to drag Anwar to court on the accusation that he has committed sodomy again. There is a small group of leaders and members of Umno who vehemently believe that Anwar must be removed from the country’s political stage in order to save their skins. They opine that the best way to do this is by getting Anwar incarcerated in jail as long as possible.

Among this small group are a vicious few who are already arguing that the Malay public must be convinced through the media that Anwar is working against Malay interests. They must be made to choose between Anwar and the Malays. By the Malays here they obviously mean the corrupt leaders of Umno and their cronies, present and past, that must be saved at all cost. Again they resort to Malay chauvinist appeal to achieve this end.

In order to succeed with their accusations and propaganda, these Umno and government leaders make full use the media. They must have greater control the media so that they will not give fair coverage on the Anwar trial, which will be in front of well “selected” judge(s) who can be relied on to be biased against Anwar. Further, they will try to ensure that the alternative media will be constrained more severely.

Thus press freedom will be further strangled to serve their purpose. There are already signs that the printed and electronic media are now being directed and controlled more than in the past. Thus the media, besides money and government power will be used and abused to the full in order the ensure that Umno-BN remain in control in this country for many more years to come.

* Dr Syed Husin Ali is a senator and deputy president of PKR.

* This article is the personal opinion of the writer or publication. The Malaysian Insider does not endorse the view unless specified.

Comments (DQ): 

A sane and sanguine commentary by a opposition die-hard who refuses to be bowed against the tidal wave of mainstream partisan politics and ultra-racial-religious extremists, all pandering to political patronage to maintain their ill-gotten power. 

Dr Husin Ali gives us Malaysians a glimmer of hope that persistence and tenacity of purpose and strong morals/ethics, can still work for Malaysia. Onward to a newer renewed Malaysia, come next elections, God willing or "InsyaAllah"!

2008: Annus Mirabilis: The year that was... Part 2

6. The foundering disappointment of the Abdullah Badawi government
When he first took over the helm of Prime Minister, Abdullah Badawi was seen as the next hope for change toward a gentler, less corrupt, less autocratic government. He did promise to clean up the act. But alas, the wheels of change under his watch, were truly grinding under the weight of ponderous inaction and torpidly unconvincing pledges—some talk, but generally no action. At least, none worthy of institutional progress.

If anything, he let his cronies, his fourth/fifth floor gatekeepers led by his son-in-law KJ, control the engine of his listless administration and the nation's projects for development. As a result the country literally stalled, with gross incompetence, venal and shameless bartering for ill-gotten gains and extravagant wastage!

It was as if the wealth and direction of the country now hinged on the grandiose if untested whims and fancies of a small coterie of young 30-something year-old Oxbridge graduates, beholden only to the ambitious Khairy Jamaluddin.

Rumours of his excesses are probably just that. But the unflattering perception became disastrous for the Premier, who seemed unwilling or unable to rein in this appealing if brazen young man (in closer circles, he had been quoted as having said that he would become prime minster before the age of 40!)

His impatience and his greater-than-life belief in himself and his worth clearly antagonised more than just the ordinary Malaysian, his UMNO brethren began to openly question and challenge his stature and his ambition. Thus, began the break-up of the cosy unity of purpose of UMNO-dominated largesse and its shattered myth of political goodwill. It finally boiled down to everyman for himself, as they wrangled for the spoils of dominance, influence and connections.

The strong 2004 electoral mandate given by a hopeful rakyat, was therefore quickly sapped and frittered away, with escalating disenchantment with Pak Lah's lethargic style of leadership. Ambitious and impatient political rivals skirmished and began to sorely test his mettle, and left in its wake, a lingering if haunting disservice to his vitiated legacy.

Some kinder pundits have equated him, Pak Lah to be Malaysia's Gorbachev—a sort of an enlightened leader who espouse a new beginning (sadly, equally nebulous in the final anaylsis), an openness, a glasnost, for greater democratic space—perhaps, they were right...

But ultimately, being benign and gently ineffectual (perhaps even a seat-warmer?), is never enough to hold on to power in this hurly-burly world of politics... Pak Lah would soon have to relinquish his mantle of power, (one which we sense he was uneasy to begin with anyway), brokered through an uneasy truce with his number two.

His tenure of Premiership is best summed up as forgettable, even as he tried at the last gasp to enact new laws (the watered-down MACC, JAC) which would lend some spotted burnish and meaning to his lacklustre administration.

Still, it is true that Malaysians were given a chance to become more outspoken, more willing to question the status quo, braver with the uncensored anonymity of free-expression aided by the mushrooming alternate media—the blogosphere, YouTube and the world wide web through the internet. So, in a sense we should be grateful.

But, perhaps, it is also the spirit of the times, the zeitgeist of a new interconnected world, where civil liberties and expectant human rights have matured with presumptuous free expression, information ubiquity and where knowledge access is de rigueur, even inevitable...

7. The ex-PM who would not go away...
Mahathir Mohamed, now Tun, our ex-Premier for 22 years, must be that permanent fixture on any Malaysian political scene, who refuses to fade away.

There is much that can be said of this singular man, but there is also sadness that having achieved so much, he has clung on to his cast-in-stone ideas that Malaysia must be the Malaysia of his own, and perhaps his only image.

There can be no doubt that Mahathir placed Malaysia on the world map pedestal. He developed modern industrialised Malaysia in the mould of strong and autocratic man of yesteryears. Malaysia is made known globally because of his untiring efforts to promote a Malaysia that Can, i.e. Malaysia Boleh!

His grandiose schemes while criticised by many of his detractors, might be temporally opportunistic, but his landmarks have become household names in the region as well as globally, e.g. the Petronas Twin Towers, Putrajaya city, the KLIA, the Penang Bridge, Proton cars.

But alas, his other legacy isn't so sparkling or benign, but may be even more painfully enduring and inimical. In his determined quest to modernise Malaysia and uplift the indigenous Malays in particular, he began with unique bold ideas which were beneficent. As a result Malaysia's hard core rural poverty had been drastically reduced, and a sizeable middle class had been created.

However, many of these quickly became blemished as these created a spectacular if exclusive brand of government-linked corporations, and government-aided multimillionaires, very closely tied to or even dependent on the leadership's patronage system.

He did well in removing the scales from the eyes and the parochial mindset of many bumiputeras. He gave them a much-needed self-belief which is undoubtedly important and laudable, for which they can at last become more confident and conscious of their self-worth. He must be credited for having unabashedly promoted the Malay agenda so that as an ethnic group, they can confidently become more fully engaged in the business and affairs of the nation and its development—and hence, could compete on equal footing in this globalised world.

Thus, in times of plenty, when the economy was growing at a vigorous clip, there was enough wealth to be spread around, and every Malaysian appeared to benefit. Hence, in many ways he also made Malaysians of all races, proud to be Malaysians, because of his visionary leadership. But his continued sanction of this affirmative action has also created a subclass of dependency, of crutch-mentality and easy handouts, of rentier capitalism and political largesse.

He also brooked little opposition, challenge to, or restraints on his style and his power, believing that as popularly-elected Premier and government, he had the mandate to rule without interference from the constitutional royalty, the oversight judiciary or the minority opposition. His idea of majoritarian rule appears to be one of absolutism.

His brand of power politics and autocratic rule unfortunately and systematically emasculated these same institutions—the judiciary became beholden and capitulated; the royalty had its wings clipped, and the pliant police were offered unfettered power in exchange for its unquestioning loyalty. Corruption and political patronage practices reached its height, and UMNO-supremacist ideologies pushed to its ultimate arrogant peaks.

Following the March 8 election debacle, he openly led the huge chorus of criticisms casting his blame on the weak leadership of Pak Lah and his family connections. Since then he has all but undermined our hapless prime minister. He has since found a new dimension to his once silenced voice—the resurgence of his acerbic tongue through his immensely popular blog chedet.com!

It appears that Mahathir has issues of not being able to forgive or forget, as he relentlessly pursue his Machiavellian vengeance on whoever crosses him... At 84 years old, he continues to remain as sharp and as artless as he had always been. Until Pak Lah leaves the scene, there is little doubt that Mahathir will continue to badger him and his administration, pulverising whatever little that's left...

As he has already commented, as long as he is alive, he will not keep silent when he feels things are not going his way, neither would he allow Malaysia's fortunes and gains (which he had bulit up over the decades) to be 'jeopardised'. I foresee that Dr M will continue to figure prominently in the coming 2009, health and God willing!