Showing posts with label elections. Show all posts
Showing posts with label elections. Show all posts

Saturday, July 2, 2011

FMT: Crackdown on Bersih sets alarm bells ringing abroad... by Stephanie Sta Maria

Crackdown on Bersih sets alarm bells ringing abroad

fmt, Stephanie Sta Maria | July 2, 2011
The international community is taken aback by Malaysia's insistence on stopping the Bersih rally.



PETALING JAYA: The Malaysian government’s vehement opposition to the Bersih 2.0 rally has the international community reeling in alarm and bewilderment over the “uncharacteristic behaviour” of a “moderate, progressive country”.

The Human Rights Watch (HRW) noted that Malaysia has always been perceived as a reasonable country that welcomes dialogue and negotiation.

But the government’s severe crackdown on rally organisers and supporters have now run contrary to this sentiment and is likely to tarnish Malaysia’s reputation within the United Nations Human Rights Council.

HRW’s deputy director for Asia, Phil Robertson, said that none of Bersih’s demands has warranted the spate of arrests, threats of Internal Security Act (ISA) or bringing out the army on July 9.

“For some reason the Malaysian government has decided to make this rally a test of its power,”

Robertson told FMT. “It almost seems like it has a screw loose. It’s very clear that this is a campaign of intimidation.”

“I have heard that a number of foreign diplomats have attempted to pacify the Malaysian government, but the exact details of those talks have been kept confidential.”

“Malaysia is in fact bound by Article 21 of the United Declaration on Human Rights (UDHR) to allow this rally. Bersih is asserting its right under Article 21 and that right should be respected.”

Article 21 states that “the will of the people shall be the basis of the authority of the government: this will shall be expressed in periodic and genuine elections which shall be by universal and equal suffrage and shall be held by secret vote or by equivalent free voting procedures”.

Robertson also dismissed accusations that Bersih is politically motivated due to the support by opposition parties. He stressed that even a member of a political party still has the rights of a citizen.

“The issue here is freedom of peaceful assembly,” he said. “If a NGO and a political party decide to walk hand-in-hand, that is their right. The government is just churning out excuse after excuse to stop the rally in the hope that the people will believe at least one of them.”

Thailand is not the bogeyman
The Bangkok-based Robertson also defended Thailand against the Election Commission’s (EC) portrayal of the country as one that is mired in chaos because “people are campaigning for one rejected leader”.

EC deputy chairman, Wan Ahmad Wan Omar, had made this earlier remark to draw parallels between Thai support for ousted prime minister, Thaksin Shinawatra, and Bersih’s alleged support for opposition leader, Anwar Ibrahim.

Thailand goes to the polls tomorrow in its 26th general election but Robertson assured that no chaos or violence is expected.

“Malaysia is fond of painting Thailand as the bogeyman which isn’t credible at all,” he said. “The reality is that Thais broadly believe that the country’s electoral procedures are actually good.”

“They believe that when their names are at their polling booths, the confidentiality of their votes will be maintained; they are able to complain if their names are missing and there won’t be any electoral violations like the stuffing of ballot boxes at the eleventh hour.”

He added that Thailand has since invited international observers to monitor its elections. Among these observers are the Asian Network for Free Elections (ANFREL) and EC chairman, Abdul Aziz Mohd Yusof.

Aziz revealed last night that the EC too is looking into the possibility of inviting international observers for the 13th general election. His statement has been met with both support and opposition but the international community is inclined to applaud it.

“It isn’t unusual for international election monitoring to take place,” Robertson said. “Confidence in the electoral process is fundamental to any functioning democracy. If people believe the election process is unfair, then that perception will pemeate every other aspect of the country.”

Sunday, January 2, 2011

malaysiakini: Malaysia's lost decade... by Josh Hong

Malaysia's lost decade
Josh Hong
malaysiakini: Dec 31, 2010, 2:24pm
After much dithering, I picked up the courage 10 years ago this month to return to Malaysia. Prior to that, I had spent a good 11 years in London, where the 'miserable comfort' was both real and surreal to me.

I knew I had to put up with some serious miseries in Kuala Lumpur: horrible traffic congestion, notoriously disorganised public transport, and an economic 'miracle' that had been brought to its knees by the financial crisis in the late 1990s.

But there were hopes too. The general elections in November 1999 had dealt a severe blow to Mahathir Mohamad's autocratic and megalomaniac style of government, while a new political course was struggling to make its voice heard, one that was no longer premised on race and the feudalistic loyalty that it demanded, but on one's civic duties as a dignified citizen that respect the rule of law, fair play and justice.

In other words, I wanted to see the end of the Mahathir regime, which was plain racist, arbitrary and corrupt to the core, and see it replaced with an alternative that truly championed the people's causes. Ten years on, my initial hopes have largely evaporated.

Since Mahathir's 'retirement' in late 2003, we have had two more prime ministers, but neither of them has grasped the opportunity to reform the country root and branch.

If anything, political culture in the country has only gone from bad to worse. Malaysian politics is divisive; it always has been. But it was the power-crazy Mahathir whose 22 years of rule that had sharpened the religious, ethnic and class differences. Every time when his power was threatened, Mahathir showed no qualms of resorting to racist and communal politics for survival.

Throughout the last decade, there was one word that made the most frequent appearance in the Malay press: pengkhianat (either of bangsa or Negara). 
 
Whenever Umno is pressed against the wall, the party leadership is quick to accuse its detractor of being an ingrate or a running dog to a foreign power. This is a tried and tested formula, engendered by Mahathir and perfected by his successors. Their latest tactic is to hide behind the Malay rulers, oblivious to the fact that national/religious/racial is no substitute for our dignity as individuals who cherish freedom.

Mahathir brought in Anwar Ibrahim in 1982 to shore up Umno's Islamic 'credentials', and did not hesitate to demonise PAS throughout the 1980s and the 1990s. Extremism begets extremism, and one would only expect the opponents to fight back with more vigour and determination, hence the increasingly conservative religious climate across the Peninsula. Soon, Sabah and Sarawak will succumb to it if Umno has its way.

The aftermath of pandering PMs

Both Abdullah Ahmad Badawi and Najib Abdul Razak have failed to respond to this. Instead of putting the nation (or are we a nation in its classical sense?) back on the secular track as envisioned by the Federal Constitution, Mahathir's successors have only managed to pander further to the religionists, albeit in a different way.

Religious authorities are now emboldened to threaten members of the public, Muslims and non-Muslims alike. People like Azwan Ismail risk becoming social outcasts unless they keep their true identity hidden. Meanwhile, removing non-Islamic symbols is an unwritten requirement if one desires the prime minister to grace one's religious occasion.

In the event of lack of public support and state protection, I would suggest Azwan to emigrate. Facing threat from naked religious power and confronted with an indifferent society, emigration is always the safest bet.

This is not a time to engage in scholarly or religious debate over the issue of sexuality when one's life is at risk. No fiddling when the weak minorities are being cursed, please.

As for non-Muslim bodies, there is one simple way to save yourselves the dilemma of having to avoid using religious signage: stop inviting politicians for religious functions.

After all, it is not the presence of the prime minister that saves one's soul. If one insists on such feudal practice, then be prepared to live with the humiliation and stop complaining.

At the societal level, ethnic divisions have only become more visible. Every single issue can conveniently become tinged with racial or religious colour, and the public's attention is easily shifted. Despite the March 2008 political tsunami, people on the street now only feel more alienated from each other.

Corruption maggots' endless feast
Yes, Teoh Beng Hock died a tragic death, and it is only right that all conscientious Malaysians are aggrieved by it.

But there are many more innocent deaths too, such as that of Gunasegaran and Aminulrasyid Amzah, and it is time that we have a concerted and nationwide effort to bring justice to their bereaved families. Sadly, cross-ethnic solidarity remains slow in coming.

Finally, none of our leaders has demonstrated the actual will to root out corruption and overhaul our economic structure. The appointment of Mohd Isa Samad, the tainted former menteri besar of Negri Sembilan, as Felda chairman is the latest case in point.

Furthermore, our economy remains anchored in the fraternity between tycoons (predominantly Chinese but increasingly multiracial) and the ruling elite. The 'loveable rich' pledge their allegiance to Umnoputras in return for economic favours, required by the 'political and economic architecture to bribe as well as to lobby', as described by Joe Studwell in Asian Godfathers.


The end result is the rapidly widening inter and intra ethnic income gap evidenced by the mushrooming of modern condos and service apartments in Malaysian cities that cater mostly to the super-rich. Liew Kee Sin of S P Setia Bhd., a top property developer, has indeed thrived under the New Economic Policy, but he does not speak for the majority of Malaysians who merely eke out a living.
Still, it is nearly an insurmountable task to make this raw reality plain to the general public (the Malays especially) because of Umno's media manipulation and its camouflaging of class dominance with ethno-populism.

Tony Benn, a British Labour veteran and a staunch socialist, attributed Britain's social malaise in the 1980s to Margaret Thatcher's philosophy that measured 'the price of everything and the value of nothing'. Listen to his excellent speech in Parliament, and one will be astounded to know how much the issues elaborated by Benn are relevant to Malaysia's lost decade.

What would become of Malaysia in the next decade to come? I certainly hope I will live long enough to see it. Happy New Year!

Thursday, January 1, 2009

2008: Annus Mirabilis: The year that was... Part 1

2008 must rank as one of Malaysia's most defining years, and perhaps too... for the world.

Here are the top events from my lenses:

1. The March 8, 2008 Elections.
For us Malaysians, 2008 must be ranked as one truly momentus Annus Mirabilis, for indeed after 51 years of shackled and distracted timidity, near half of all Malaysians, Malays, Chinese, Indians, Others, one and all, rose from the ashes of UMNO-dominated politics to decide that enough was enough. We were finally emboldened to think the previously unthinkable while overcoming the racial taunts and threats of disorder. In its wake, this spawned a new Malaysian political order.

The ruling Barisan government lost 5 states to the rag-tagged opposition parties, and shockingly lost its two-thirds majority trump-card. That night, the national TV channels were hopelessly shell-shocked, incredulous that the ballots were going against the government, that they refused to telecast timely disclosures, and purposely delayed the electoral results with idiotic racist commentaries by some pathetically out-of-date personalities. Recounting and postal ballot loading were insufficient to recast the foregone results, fortunately, and despite the odds, some 48% of the voting rakyat had given the opposition its unprecedented 82 seats out of the total 222—truly a most famous victory!

The opposition, whose loose coalition still managed to capture the imagination of change-minded citizens, who are simply put, fed-up with more of the same: top-down politics, arrogance, executive abuses, corruption; rising crime rates and crime-ridden cities, a discredited police force more attuned to political hijinks than civic protection purposes; a totally compliant judiciary; disproportionate and biased religious contentions; selective prosecution and high-handed suppression of public anger and demonstrations.

2. The Awakening of our Rakyat, Hindraf...
One uncharacteristic phenomenon which emboldened more of our unhappy citizens must be the eruption of Hindraf. This groundswell of long-forgotten and deprived Indians in many pockets of the country, grabbed the headlines by its boldness of purpose, its courage of conviction, its penetrating pervasiveness, and its shared anguish.

Many Malaysians of Indian origin could easily relate to and find the reality issues totally consonant with their sense of social and economic deprivation. Unemployment, unemployability, high levels of school drop-outs, growing gangsterism and entanglement with violent crimes among its restive youths serve as the stark underbelly of Indian marginalisation even in rapidly wealthy Malaysia.

This undoubtedly made many see the urgent need and the possibilities of unity of purpose and willingness to sacrifice, assimilate and participate in its causes with passion. Shouts of satyagraha and makkal sakhti became the clarion call for sociopolitical action and purpose. Short-message service texting (or sms's) and emails became the modus operandi for planning, collaboration and coordination. And boy, did they succeed!

Despite their announced plans for peaceful demonstrations and marches, they were denied permits and met with iron-fisted response from the government and the police. The Hindraf march on November 25, 2007 must rank as the determining focus of their concerted energy and sacrifice. The luckless police reacted by attacking these throngs of families—young and old—with laced water and tear-gas. They wrought unprovoked beatings and arbitrary arrests, in the full glare of the ubiquitous cellphone photography and videos.

They cast their idiotic paralysing police road-blocks around every arterial road entry into the city causing massive unprecedented gridlocks, which completely inconvenienced the rakyat without any justification except as a cynical portrayal of its silly attempt to show-off its clout—one supremely fatuous act after another, which further distanced the urban folk from the high-handed actions of the much-maligned police.

Videos and photos of police brutality were published in YouTube and the blogosphere, which further antagonised the disgruntled and the furious, and which lent the police and the government even less credence for their warped sense of powerplay!

3. The rise and rise of the blogosphere
Blogger extraordinaire Raja Petra Kamaruddin (aka RPK or 'Pete') led a motley crew of outspoken bloggers (Jeff Ooi, Kickdefella, Rocky, Tony Pua, M Bakri Musa, Kim Quek, Farish Noor, Azly Rahman, etc.) to vent believable (if somewhat unchecked) stories and alternative viewpoints.

Conspiracy theories and political shenanigans were told in such arresting conversational style and 'detail', that many readers believe these to be absolutely true. According to RPK, his 'rumours' have so far proven to be accurate in more than 90% of the time, and that he had all the documentation to prove them, which lent 'street cred' to his messages for change!

This internet chatter had earlier been the salt and grist of rumour mills especially when the main stream media (MSM) chose to be safe, sycophantic and self-censored, while remaining completely out of touch with the seething grumbles of the muffled grassroots. Thus, began the power of the blogosphere which were tapped with great elan by the opposition politicians, converted to printed pages, vcds, and roadshows—clearly offering an alternate if more plausible scenario of the inaptitude, corruption, arrogance and failings of the incumbent government and its tainted members.

4. The return & travails of Anwar Ibrahim and the Formation of Pakatan Rakyat.
Disgraced and imprisoned former deputy prime minister made a triumphant comeback, this elections, as he led as de facto leader of Parti Keadilan (Justice Party), although he was still barred from eligibility due to his conviction just short of 5 years ago. He managed to cobble together disparate opposition parties such as PAS and DAP, and led this loose coalition (then monikered Barisan Alternatif, BA) to a stunning if unexpected general elections results in March, 2008.

His charisma is unmistakable, but more importantly he had decided that he had to off-load many of his former archaic ideas and develop new ones which called for more openness, more egalitarian, more inclusive, less corrupt, more transparent, more meritocratic principles, which appealed to the change-agenda of many new voters and a restless rakyat. Setting priorities of cooperation rather than dwelling on ideological differences and unrealistic party political goals, helped the voters to focus on simply voting for change from the incumbent—the swing was decisive and impressive.

This led to the later amalgamation into the Pakatan Rakyat of today, a true blue alternate political front of substance, yes with its teething problems of sporadic spats of one-upmanship. It is hoped that this erstwhile if convenient alliance would outlast its trying differences, and become in due course, a worthy successor to viably administrate the next governments for the good of Malaysia.

But Anwar Ibrahim is still under the cloud of Sodomy charge II, one which was hurriedly brought about by an unashamed former aide, who happened to have met with the DPM Najib Razak, some days before. The timing could not have been better—Anwar was to stand for by-election after his wife resigned her place at Permatang Pauh in July 2008. The doctor who examined his alleged victim, was suddenly missing fearing for his safety, after he had been 'urged' to write a more favourable report.

Unfortunately, this salacious saga continues, despite urgent calls from many a disbelieving public to abandon what many feel is another trumped up charge. The silly attempts to move the case away from a sympathetic but brave judge at the lower Sessions Court to the High Court, again underlines the machinations which the Attorney General's office has decided to selectively prosecute its special cases. Clearly, Anwar Ibrahim is a special case... The final denouement has yet to be played out.

However, Anwar's attempts to persuade Barisan Nasional's MPs to defect failed miserably, despite rocking the equanimity of the governing leadership, whose tenuous hold appeared to be breakable at any moment. By September 16, Malaysia Day, it became clear that the Pakatan Rakyat could not pry away elected members from the BN camp to join their cause. Perhaps, the offers were simply not enough to entice the defections.

This failure has cast a shadow over the PM in waiting, and many wonder if his strategem had any substance to begin with. His popularity has taken a dip, since. Perhaps all this is for the better. Now, the PR seems resigned to its oppositionist role and appears more dignified. PR is finally beginning to look ready to seriously govern its 5 states, rather than acting as debutantes and tetchy oppositionists, whose intents and purposes appear to be too focussed on and mired in political ploys!

5. The inane spectre of the ISA
Following the March 8 electoral setback, the opposition and the rakyat became increasingly boisterous and began urging for greater freedom of speech and expression. The months that followed were difficult ones for all, with politicking and grandstanding taking the place of true governance and civic discourse. The insipid and debilitated premiership of Abdullah Badawi did little to assuage the mood of a restive populace clamouring for change and immediate if unrealistic reforms.

Challenges to the perceived fallout in authority of the police and the home ministry brought about swift and disjointed responses of confusion and knee-jerk stupidity. The public, finding its voice and now demanding greater transparency, appeared emboldened and testy—seemingly to kick the teeth in for the incumbent but beleaguered government.

Alas, when the chips are down and the tempo and pitch of political recriminations were turned upwards to jarring plangent decibels, the government reacted. Racist taunts were bandied about with unrepentent advocates on both sides testing the limits of each other's resolves. Ethnic bigotry was allowed to raise its ugly head, while seemingly tolerated if these were on the side of the governing political parties. Slanderous accusations were attributed to either sides, with the police appearing tardy or partial to investigate the veracity or otherwise. The ISA was invoked, and with some quickly shortened after huge public hue and cry--Sin Chew journalist Tan was released after 24 hours, purportedly her detention was "to ensure for her safety"; and opposition MP Teresa Kok after a week.

But the much feared and fearless RPK who was initially slapped with criminal defamation, had his detention confirmed by the incoherent home minister Syed Hamid Akbar, to a 2-year order for incarceration without trial. Then, after nearly 2 months at the Kamunting detention centre, a judge decided at long last that his detention was illegitimate, and RPK was freed! The government was in total disarray trying to ameliorate its public relations nightmare, for perhaps for the first time ever, its arbitrary decision had been successfully challenged.

His problems are still not yet over, as legal woes are mounting. But RPK has been as pugnacious as ever, challenging those who feel slighted to sue him, as was the case when he roundly condemned the pathetic performances and sorry excuses of the just retired Elections Council chairman.

Together with like-minded liberal Malaysians, such as Suaram, Jerit, the Bar Council, and even SUHAKAM, we are calling for the abolishing of the ISA, and we will continue to voice our strongest opposition against this unjust and arbitrary law. There is hope that Pakatan Rakyat will rescind this obnoxious law once it comes to power, so we can all hope for a better future, soon.