Showing posts with label Judicial wisdom. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Judicial wisdom. Show all posts

Wednesday, January 19, 2011

Speech by Ragunath Kesavan, Bar Council Chairman, at The Opening Of The Legal Year 2011

Speech by Ragunath Kesavan, Chairman of The Bar Council, at The Opening Of The Legal Year 2011 (15 Jan 2011)

Yang Amat Arif, saya dengan rendah diri memohom izin meneruskan hujah saya dalam Bahasa Inggeris.

My Lord,
I am honoured to speak not only for the Bar Council but also on behalf of the Sabah Law Association and the Advocates Association of Sarawak, who are represented here today with the presence of their respective Presidents, Datuk John Sikayun and Khairil Azmi bin Mohd Hasbie.

It gives me great pleasure to be able to address this distinguished gathering on the occasion of the opening of the 2011 Malaysian legal year.

A year on from the historic first ceremony in January 2010, we cannot rest on our laurels but must continually strive to improve the administration of justice and the rule of law in Malaysia. We cannot be satisfied with pioneering first steps, but must be sufficiently courageous to extend boundaries. This may transgress well-worn customs and traditions, and may find displeasure among those with vested interests in preserving the status quo. However, we cannot be inhibited by such considerations. If adjustments are required we must be bold and mature enough to stand up for such corrections purely in the interest of justice and fairness.

The introduction of court mandated mediation, court recording transcription services, structured and uniform case management directions and the introduction of the “New Civil and Commercial” courts have increased the efficiency of our judiciary. The changes brought about by Your Lordship have, by and large, been welcomed by the legal fraternity.

We were plagued with problems of public distrust and disdain of the judiciary for reasons of judicial indiscipline, alleged corruption even at the highest level of the judiciary, judge fixing, an administration system that had not been revamped for decades, inconsistent case management styles and directives issued at the whims and fancies of each judicial officer. The appointment of three inept and unacceptable chief justices post Tun Salleh Abas led to the near complete breakdown and destruction of our judiciary.

We can stand tall and reflect that we had firmly and consistently spoken out and acted against the massive decline in judicial independence.

Your Lordship had the most arduous task of instilling discipline, order and direction in the judicial system.

However, we caution that reform including the pace of such reform, must always be in tandem with the needs of all stakeholders, including the capacity of the judges, lawyers and court system. Speed alone cannot be the sole and overriding factor, for there must be no miscarriage of justice in the prompt completion of cases. In the matter of postponements and adjournment of cases, it is a critical part of the individual independence of judicial officers that they have sole control of cases before them, including the discretion whether or not to grant an adjournment because they must be guided by the need to do “substantial justice” between the parties.

The criminal justice system requires a much more detailed and tempered approach. The problems faced there are considerably different from those of the civil courts and expediting hearings may not entirely be in the public interest if this results in more instances of acquittals, or an accused is denied the right to a proper and full defence.

The paramount objective of the administration of justice must be to achieve qualitative justice in every instance. An excellent justice system requires a combination of a fair conduct of cases, their prompt disposal and well reasoned decisions so as to ensure that justice is done and seen to be done.

As we consider the challenges that lie ahead, we would do well to reflect on the following words, taken from Chapter VI of Machiavelli’s “The Prince”:

“. . . there is nothing more difficult to take in hand, more perilous to conduct, or more uncertain in its success, than to take the lead in the introduction of a new order of things, because the innovator has for enemies all those who have done well under the old conditions, and lukewarm defenders in those who may do well under the new. This coolness arises partly from fear of the opponents, who have the laws on their side, and partly from the incredulity of men, who do not readily believe in new things until they have had a long experience of them.”

The reforms that have been implemented have resulted in a significant improvement in the quality of the administration of justice. We welcome such changes even though disagreements are bound to exist from time to time. We do not always agree or achieve consensus on issues but we have a good working relationship with the Judiciary and the Attorney General’s Chambers upon which we can build, and we look to continued constructive dialogue and discussion with both parties.

Judicial temperament

My Lord,
The life of a Judge requires independence of thinking and fearlessness of character. It is indeed a high challenge and a very lonely pursuit. A judge must be independent, impartial, conduct him or herself with integrity, act with propriety and must at all times ensure equality of treatment to all before the Courts.

We would do well to recall the one of the guidelines issued to AbuMusa al-Ashari, the then-Governor of the Iraqi port city of Basra, by Umar bin al-Khattab, the second Khalifa of Islam (13-23AH) (634-644 CE). The thirdh guideline reads as follows:

Treat the people equally in your court and give them equal attention, so that the noble shall not aspire to your partiality, nor the humble despair of your justice.

Judicial boldness

My Lord,
Our judges in taking their oath of office set out in paragraph 1 of the Sixth Schedule of the Federal Constitution undertake to …….“faithfully discharge [their] judicial duties in that office to the best of their ability, they will bear true faith and allegiance to Malaysia, and will preserve, protect and defend its Constitution.

The judiciary must boldly uphold this duty to adjudicate any dispute before it guided solely by the Federal Constitution. In all such deliberations, the underlying principles of the rule of law must remain fundamental and omnipotent.

In many jurisdictions, it is the Courts that lead in expanding the rights of individuals and curbing the excesses of the executive. In 1995, the South African Constitutional Court in the celebrated case of The State v T. Makwanye and M. Mchunu held that the death penalty breached the “right of life” provision contained in the Section 9 of the South African Constitution. Significantly, the Court did not abdicate its constitutional role and leave it to the legislature to abolish the death penalty.

An independent judiciary is an indispensable element of a working democracy as it is not beholden to constituents who elect it into office. There are no shackles of loyalty to any particular group and therefore the Judiciary can and must fulfil its primary duty of upholding the Federal Constitution. Judges must rule on the basis of the law within the context of the Federal Constitution and not be influenced by public opinion and they must be indifferent to pressures of the times.

My Lord,
We have our own challenges, Shamala Sathiyaseelan v Dr. Jeyaganesh C. Mogarajah was a recent matter before the Federal Court, involving essentially conflict of laws between the separate jurisdictions of Syariah and civil laws, in respect of the custody and guardianship of children arising out of the conversion of one spouse to Islam.

This matter presented the Court with a clear occasion to resolve fundamental questions that affect public interest. The Federal Court refused to decide on the matter, on the basis that Shamala, by leaving the jurisdiction with her children, was in contempt of an earlier High Court order giving the father the right of access to the children.

The Federal Court abdicated its role as the ultimate arbiter in this dispute. Politicians have dithered and wavered in looking for a solution, pandering to the various interest groups. The Federal Court missed this opportunity to lead the way and set down the law in accordance with the Federal Constitution.

The Judiciary ought to have stepped in to fill the legal lacuna. The Court must fulfil its responsibility to right an injustice, no matter how difficult or divisive the issues are.

In PP v Anwar Ibrahim, the Federal Court rolled back statutory amendments introduced in Section 51A of the Criminal Procedure Code to augment the rights of accused persons. By enacting this provision that imposes a statutory duty on the prosecution to provide documents to the defence prior to the commencement of trial, Parliament made it plain its intention to level the playing field between the prosecution and the defence.

In a regrettably regressive decision, the Federal Court refused to allow the defence access to documents other than the usual basic documents pre-dating the amendments. The full and timely disclosure of documents and statements would surely assist in a speedy disposal of the trial. More crucially, courts must exercise their discretion in favour of enhancing an accused person’s right to a fair trial, and increasing transparency and fairness in the country’s criminal justice system. Non production of documents and information merely gives rise to the perception, in the public mind, of a cover up and will not assist in enhancing public confidence in the criminal justice system.

Access to justice

My Lord,
Access to justice remains a central priority for the Bar Council. Currently, too many persons are unrepresented in criminal trials, a situation that is very troubling. With the coming into force of the amendments to the Criminal Procedure Code formalising plea bargain and introduction of pre-trial conferences, it will be critical to ensure that legal representation is provided to all accused persons.

Constitutional guarantees of the right to legal representation are meaningless if one is unable to access legal representation because of insufficient means. All developed nations have in place some form of a comprehensive legal aid structure for those who cannot afford legal services. This has not been quite the case in Malaysia.

We are proud to be one of the few law associations in the world that runs a fairly comprehensive legal aid scheme funded solely by a levy imposed on all our members. However, in order to be effective, any legal aid system that is introduced must be sustainable, and far more comprehensive than the current Bar Council legal aid scheme has the means to be.

We are therefore heartened by the establishment of a national legal aid foundation, to be known as Yayasan Bantuan Guaman Kebangsaan, a collaborative effort involving the Government, the Malaysian Bar, and the private sector. The Foundation will be an independent body that will fund the provision of legal aid, enhance services for lawyers to represent those needing legal representation, determine the guidelines for the administration of the national legal aid scheme, and initiate and carry out educational programmes designed to promote understanding amongst members of the public of their rights and duties under the laws of Malaysia. The Foundation will focus on obtaining representation for persons from the point of arrest to court hearings – and those who do work for YBGK will be remunerated.

I must place on record our greatest appreciation to the learned Attorney General for his relentless push and the efforts of his officers in setting up the the Foundation.

We are also heartened that the Inspector-General of Police, Tan Sri Ismail Omar at a recent dinner he had hosted for the Bar Council emphasised the need for all stakeholders to work together to improve our criminal justice system. The Inspector General had also reiterated that human rights and the rule of law must be an integral part of the criminal justice system. His commitment that the Police will work in tandem with the Foundation is most welcome.

Justice for all

It is important to understand and accept that the future of Malaysia must be built on a multi-racial, multi-religious approach of respect and acceptance.

Ultimately we have to ask ourselves this question: What kind of country do we want to be? In order to answer this question, we have to understand the rules and regulations that govern the relationship between the government and the people. We need to go back to the basics.

One of the most important projects the Bar Council had undertaken in the last two years is the “MyConstitution” campaign, where the Constitutional Law Committee of the Bar Council has gone round the country to promote knowledge and understanding of the Federal Constitution. The aim is to create awareness and to simplify the Constitution for all, and to empower the people to take charge of the Constitution, which is rightfully the peoples’ document.

The campaign projects the essence of democracy in which the government, whatever its political composition, is bound by a higher set of rules, embodied in a constitution. Although democracy is based on the principle of the rule of the majority, at the same time, democracy also requires that the rights of minorities are safeguarded.

We affirm the two tenets of the Rukunegara which are relevant here, namely “Keluhuran Perlembagaan” or “the Supremacy of the Constitution” and “Kedaulatan Undang-Undang” or “Upholding the Rule of Law”.

The way forward is to assure the people that there is a place for everyone in Malaysia regardless of race or religion. This assurance must be reiterated not only by the government of the day but by all of us.

We must believe and must commit and unite in our efforts to build a nation that progresses on diversity.

We have consistently, over the years, reiterated that our objective is the betterment of Malaysia. We want to see a Malaysia coming together in unity of purpose, through upholding the rule of law and the Federal Constitution.

I stand here to reaffirm and reiterate that we shall proceed to uphold the Rule of Law without fear or favour.

We accept and understand that there is so much more to be done and we strive to remain independent and engage and interact with any and all groups, with the objective of building a stronger and better Malaysia for all.

Conclusion

My Lord
As we collectively mark the first anniversary of the Opening of the Legal Year on a Federal level, I must take this opportunity to record our appreciation for Your Lordship’s openness, humility and tireless effort to achieve change which has resulted in a renewed vigour in the judiciary. Your Lordship has always been approachable and sympathetic to the issues we have raised, and Your Lordship has always been open to criticism.

We welcome this new judicial environment, and want this to continue, as it is vital that all of us work together for a common objective, that of strengthening and enhancing our judicial system, towards a better Malaysia. We are committed to supporting this process, and look forward to opportunities for us to contribute in this regard.

We shall continue to uphold the rule of law and to act in the best interest of Malaysia.

It remains for me on behalf of the Bar Council, the Advocates Association of Sarawak and the Sabah Law Association to wish you good health and every happiness in the New Year.

Thursday, November 25, 2010

Malaysian Insider: Unfair to deny Anwar’s defence access to documents, says Bar Council.... By Boo Su-Lyn

Unfair to deny Anwar’s defence access to documents, says Bar Council

Malaysian Insider, November 25, 2010

KUALA LUMPUR, Nov 25 — The Bar Council has called the courts’ refusal to allow Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim access to documents in his Sodomy II trial a violation of his right to a fair trial.

Recently, the High Court here denied the Opposition Leader access to three Hospital Kuala Lumpur (HKL) doctors’ medical notes, although the court subsequently granted him access yesterday to a proforma report prepared by HKL forensic pathologist Dr Siew Sheue Feng.

A proforma report is a form or a list prepared by a doctor before performing an examination on a patient.

In January, the Federal Court had also denied Anwar access to key documents he sought to prepare his defence, and ruled that he was only entitled to documents and materials related to the charge that had already been provided to him.

“Some of these recent court decisions...have been myopic and regrettably regressive,” said Bar Council president Ragunath Kesavan in a statement today.

“They have in fact whittled down the strength of this vital tenet, rendering it meaningless and subverting the accused person’s right to a fair trial,” he added, referring to section 51A of the Criminal Procedure Code (CPC) that covers the production of documents and information in a trial.

Ragunath pointed out that section 51A of the CPC was meant to reduce inequalities between the prosecution and the defence.

“We believe that, in enacting section 51A of the Criminal Procedure Code to expand and strengthen the principle governing production of documents, the government made plain its intention to level the playing field between the prosecution and the defence, and to increase transparency and fairness in the country’s criminal justice system,” he said.

Among the documents that the Federal Court had refused Anwar were chemist reports, medical notes, CCTV recordings, DNA samples, witness statements, and a witness list.

Ragunath pointed out that it was crucial for the prosecution to fully disclose information to all parties so that a judge could make an informed decision.

“It is the responsibility of all parties, including the judge, to ensure that the prosecution complies with full disclosure in terms of the information provided to the parties involved and produced in court,” he said.

“Only when all these elements are present can the judge make an informed decision on the credibility of the witnesses, and the weight to be given to their testimony,” he added.

Ragunath claimed that refusal to produce documents or information would mar public perception of the criminal justice system.

“Non-production of any documents and information merely gives rise to the perception, in the public mind, of a cover-up and would surely erode public confidence in the criminal justice system,” he added.

Anwar, the 62-year-old PKR de facto leader, is currently facing sodomy charges for the second time in his life.

The former deputy prime minister is charged with sodomising Mohd Saiful Bukhari Azlan at Unit 11-5-1 of the Desa Damansara Condominium in Jalan Setiakasih, Bukit Damansara here between 3.01pm and 4.30pm on June 26, 2008.

Anwar has denied the charge, describing it as “evil, frivolous lies by those in power” when the charge was read out to him. He is charged under section 377B of the Penal Code and can be sentenced to a maximum of 20 years’ jail and whipping upon conviction.

The trial is taking place 18 months after Anwar was charged in court in August 2008.

He was charged with sodomy and corruption in 1998 after he was sacked from the Cabinet and was later convicted and jailed for both offences.

He was freed in September 2004 and later resurrected his political career by winning back his Permatang Pauh parliamentary seat in a by-election in 2008, which had been held in the interim by his wife.

He had two years ago led the loose opposition pact of PKR, DAP and PAS to a historic sweep of five states and 82 parliamentary seats in Election 2008.

“The Malaysian Bar urges the court to exercise its discretion...to preserve the rights of accused persons and in the interest of justice,” said Ragunath today.

“This concern is relevant not only to the Anwar Ibrahim case, but is applicable to the entire criminal justice system,” he added.

Monday, March 15, 2010

Malaysian Insider: Aliran: Jaundiced judiciary — Martin Jalleh

Jaundiced judiciary — Martin Jalleh

Malaysian Insider, MARCH 15 — There has been no shortage of court jesters in the all-year-round judicial circus, observes Martin Jalleh.

In 2009, the judiciary allowed her courts (supposed portals of justice) to be turned into a playground of political expediency and the perversion of the rule of law.

There was no shortage of court jesters in the all-year-round judicial circus.

As was so aptly put in December 2009 by Abdul Aziz Bari, a constitutional law expert, the judiciary has been reduced to one that “takes its cue from the government”. He likened Malaysia to Zimbabwe, a country ruled by President Robert Mugabe, who has subverted the judiciary to shore up his sinking government.

During the Perak constitutional crisis certain judges disregarded constitutional provisions and the doctrine of separation of powers — in stark contrast to five occasions when brave judges ruled it had no jurisdiction over decisions made in legislative assemblies.

Even when certain judges chose to interpret the Federal Constitution correctly, they appeared to do so when it best suited Umno. The judiciary left behind a dead constitution, “bad” and “perverse” decisions, dubious declaratory orders, judgments devoid of reasoned grounds, and disgraceful double standards (such as the examples given below).

Less than a day after the KL High Court had ruled in Nizar’s favour, and three hours after Zambry had filed for a stay of execution, a one-man Court of Appeal readily heard the latter and granted him a stay two hours later! Nizar had to wait for nine days before his application to set aside the stay order granted to Zambry was heard!

Zambry won his appeal 11 days after the KL High Court had declared Nizar as the rightful MB of Perak. The Federal Court which heard Nizar’s appeal has to date (more than 30 days later) not given a verdict! It has been seven months since Nizar’s lawsuit was first heard, but the occasionally super-efficient judiciary remains silent!

Three times the Federal Court rejected Nizar’s request for a full panel (it being a case of such paramount importance). No reasons were given for the rejection — yet the Federal Court has convened panels of seven judges to hear drug-related cases in the past!

Further, as was pointed out by columnist Kim Quek, the ‘Perak cases’ were made the exclusive domain of the few judges who were already looked upon with increasing dismay by the public for their perceived political partisanship. He quite rightly asked why the well-regarded judges in the Federal Court were kept out.

The public viewed the judiciary with greater suspicion, scepticism and even scorn when many perceived in 2009 that the judiciary appeared once again ready to be manipulated for the political purpose of getting rid of Anwar Ibrahim — as it happened 10 years ago!  The stage for the Sodomy II trial or show-trial was set.

What was initially filed as a non-consensual offence was later changed to consensual sodomy – without the other party being charged! The case was transferred to the High Court when the Sessions Court judge who ruled that the AG’s transfer certificate was invalid and that the case should remain in her court went on leave!

The High Court, which ordered the public prosecutor to allow Anwar’s lawyers to inspect documents and evidence pertaining to the case, dismissed Anwar’s application to strike out the sodomy charge — in spite of the medical reports by four medical specialists showing no anal penetration.

The High Court judge fixed the trial dates disregarding a pending appeal at the Federal Court on the Court of Appeal’s decision to overturn the High Court judge’s earlier decision granting Anwar access to the documents related to the case! An exasperated Anwar responded: “The very least is for him to respect his own previous decision…”

The judiciary also seemed more interested in mere technicalities than truth and justice. Decisions on the merits of cases were often avoided on the basis of “mere technicalities”. The Court of Appeal struck out Anwar’s RM100 million defamation suit against Dr Mahathir on the technicality that the memorandum of appeal was not in Bahasa Malaysia. Presiding Judge Abdul Malek Ishak stressed the supremacy of the national language as he delivered his 31-page written judgment in English!

In the case of Kampung Buah Pala, the presiding judge in the Federal Court, the late Augustine Paul, in June 2009, rejected the residents’ application for leave against a Court of Appeal decision that had overturned a landmark High Court verdict in their favour. The rejection was based on technical grounds although there were substantive triable issues that should have been addressed and determined.

The courts were often perceived as being biased towards the Umno-led government. It became so obvious to many that subordinate and High Court judgments by a few brave judges which were favourable to Pakatan Rakyat would certainly be overturned by the appellate courts.

Transfers awaited three judges who made rulings that the Umno government took umbrage to — Justice Alizatul Khair Osman Khairuddin, Lau Bee Lan and Mohamad Ariff Md Yusoff. Chief Justice Zaki Azmi insisted the transfers were “promotions” — though he admitted all three had yet to be shortlisted for promotion!

Alas, 2009 was a year when the courts were clogged, hogged (by political cases), bogged down by cases related to the Perak Constitutional crisis, dogged by accusations of bias and double standards and flogged by public opinion. — www.aliran.com

* Martin Jalleh is a well known political commentator.

Saturday, March 13, 2010

ALIRAN: No wisdom in our judiciary — not even common sense — P. Ramakrishnan

No wisdom in our judiciary — not even common sense — P. Ramakrishnan

Malaysian Insider, MARCH 12 — The Federal Court’s ruling on 25 February 2010 that it had no jurisdiction to review its own decision is utter nonsense. The three judges who came to this conclusion on Rule 137 of the Federal Court Rule — Zulkefli Ahmad Makinuddin, Mohd Ghazali Mohd Yusoff and Heliliah Mohd Yusof — were referred to by the former Court of Appeal judge, — NH Chan, as “incompetent judges — perhaps they were clowns as their statements were laughable.”

NH Chan has brilliantly summed up the reaction of Malaysians to this atrocious judgment by stating, “We, the ordinary citizens of this country, are stunned by the ignorance of our judges of the highest court in the land…”

In a very scathing indictment, without mincing his words, he puts it bluntly, “It is only when we have fools on the bench that I can point out that what they have decided is not the law.”

When these personages garbed in judicial robes deliver judgments that are so bereft of wisdom and common sense, we wonder what is the purpose in turning to the courts for justice. Do we indeed need these courts when judges don’t deliver justice and “do not know justice from injustice.”

The bone of contention in this issue is Rule 137. Let’s take a good look at Rule 137 of the Federal Court to understand what it is all about. In simple, clear terms, Rule 137 of the Federal Court states:
“Nothing in these rules shall be deemed to limit or affect the inherent powers of the Court to hear any application or to make any order as may be necessary to prevent injustice or to prevent an abuse of the process of the Court.”

I’m not schooled in the law but it seems plain enough to me that this rule does not in any way limit “the inherent powers of the Court.” In other words, it can “hear any application or make any order as may be necessary to prevent injustice or an abuse of the process of the Court”.

It is very clear that this rule empowers the Federal Court to prevent an injustice whenever it occurs. It also has authority to prevent an abuse of the process of the Court when certain elements resort to the court to legitimise an illegal act or fraud.

This empowering rule allows the Federal Court to prevent injustice and the abuse of the judicial process when certain judges discard their oath of office and deliver judgments that offend and betray the rule of law.

We have witnessed how this court process was abused in the case of the Perak State Assembly crisis, aided and abetted by judges who seemingly come across as people who have little understanding of the law; as people who are not capable of applying the law as it stands and as people who don’t care for the law.

The judges were so blatant and biased in their decision that NH Chan has rightly put it, “The so-called Perak crisis has brought out a host of cases that showed that the judges gave the impression that they were one-sided. The perception of the people is that they sided with the BN government.”

Now, this decision that disappointed thinking Malaysians cannot be reviewed because the recent Federal Court decision had foolishly ousted its jurisdiction. It is, perhaps, done deliberately so that the injustice perpetrated by these judges cannot be corrected in the future and they cannot be exposed as shallow minds sitting on judicial benches.

According to NH Chan, these judges are “such lowly individuals (who) should never be allowed to sit on the seat of Justice...to be judges at all. And yet there are so many of them in the judiciary today ever since the rot began”.

When the ignorance of these judges was so gross and their decision so perverse, befuddled Malaysians are wondering why the Bar Council had nothing to say with regard to this ridiculous situation. Shouldn’t justice be their sole concern? Doesn’t this flagrant injustice as perpetrated by the Federal Court mean anything to them? In the interest of their profession, aren’t they expected to be troubled by this decision?

Why then has the Bar Council not commented or taken a stand on this issue?
We cannot allow this scandalous situation to continue or persist. The Bar Council is enjoined by the Legal Profession Act 1976 under section 42(a) “to uphold the cause of justice without regard to its own interests or that of its members, uninfluenced by fear or favour”.

It is a national obligation that has been entrusted to the Bar Council by an act of Parliament “to uphold the cause of justice.” It must remain true and faithful to this sacred responsibility.

Aliran would like to call upon the Bar Council to boycott the courts one day in a month, every month, until this decision is rescinded or reversed so that the avenue to seek justice is not foreclosed.

The Bar Council may also want to consider boycotting the Federal Court until this matter is righted. This move is not without precedent. In 1988, the Bar Council adopted a resolution to boycott the Supreme Court and the Lord President, Tun Hamid Omar, for the abysmal role he played in the ouster of Tun Salleh Abas to weaken the judiciary and strengthen the hand of Dr Mahathir Mohamad, the politician.

The nation looks up to the Bar Council to make a stand at its AGM tomorrow. Will it take up the challenge and live up to our expectations? — Aliran

* P. Ramakrishnan is president of Aliran.