Self-interest in Kuan Yew's 'anguish' over M'sia
Malaysia is the main item in his 'regrets' category as he looks back on his long life.
He's still "teary-eyed" - although his crocodile tears, as referred to by Tunku Abdul Rahman - should have dried up a long time ago as he sees a nation, which he "fought so hard to bring together", unraveling before his very eyes across the causeway.
This is a common observation among many non-Malays, if not Malays, in the country and Singapore: "Malaysia is really a beautiful country. God made it that way. But just look at what's happening to it?"
Lee (left) will probably have several more years of "anguish" - if that's the right word - over Malaysia, his faculties still intact, if the Gods that he denies permit him continued good health.
He's still "teary-eyed" - although his crocodile tears, as referred to by Tunku Abdul Rahman - should have dried up a long time ago as he sees a nation, which he "fought so hard to bring together", unraveling before his very eyes across the causeway.
This is a common observation among many non-Malays, if not Malays, in the country and Singapore: "Malaysia is really a beautiful country. God made it that way. But just look at what's happening to it?"Lee (left) will probably have several more years of "anguish" - if that's the right word - over Malaysia, his faculties still intact, if the Gods that he denies permit him continued good health.
After that anything goes. It will really be tragic if Lee has to spend his last days like his wife, bed-ridden and unable to speak since a stroke two years back. This must be doing Lee in as well, although he puts up a brave front.
The major difference between Singapore and Malaysia, under the ruling elite, remains the same today as it was in 1965 when the city state was booted out of the new federation after two years.
There's no denying the fact that the ruling elite are squatting on all Malaysians under the guise of standing up for Malay and bumiputera rights. It was Lee himself who thundered just before the expulsion of Singapore from Malaysia: "If they (the Malay elite in Kuala Lumpur) think that they can squat on us and get away with it, they are sadly mistaken."
Fifty-odd years later, squatting is also the main complaint of Hindraf Makkal Sakthi - the ad hoc apolitical movement which initially began as a reaction against the conversion of Everest hero M Moorthy ostensibly to Islam - which marshaled nearly 100,000 people to take to the streets in late 2007 to send shivers down the spine of the ruling elite.
Lee clearly did not describe Malaysia as a failed state, as Umno Youth chief Khairy Jamaluddin claims, or even close to it. Khairy's over-reaction is probably a case of "siapa makan cili, dia yang rasa pedasnya" (whoever eats chilli, will feel its burn).
What Lee is saying is that Malaysia has not done well, obviously compared with Singapore, and could have done better. He's also saying that Singapore could have done even better had Malaysia done better, whether the city state is within or outside the country.
Why Malaysia has not done as well as it should have is not exactly the best kept secret in the world.
There's a ruling elite in Malaysia, the same elite that Lee thundered at in 1965, that has managed to hoodwink a large portion of the rural vote bank to back its long stay in power in cahoots with the non-Malay elite. Between them, they have done in the rest of the nation.
The story behind the story
It would be pointless belabouring the various issues which Lee has raised in pointing out the dilemma that Malaysia faces today. He has mentioned the Indians, Chinese, the Chinese language, Tamil, English, Bahasa Malaysia, the education system, and the effort to turn Malaysia into a solely Malay-run country with only Malays occupying all key posts, among others.
We need to get behind Lee's rhetoric, true as it is. He was mindful of Singapore's commercial interests in not telling the story behind the story.
For starters, the entire structure of the ruling BN leaves a lot to be desired. The BN concept circumscribes the democratic process by tacitly endorsing elite "power-sharing" and denying the grassroots meaningful participation in elections, and by extension, nation-building. In reality, the non-Malays in BN are elected by Malay votes, having long been discredited by their own communities.
Umno, the ruling party, has a hidden self-serving agenda behind euphemisms like power-sharing, the BN spirit, and consensus-and-compromise.
The major difference between Singapore and Malaysia, under the ruling elite, remains the same today as it was in 1965 when the city state was booted out of the new federation after two years.
There's no denying the fact that the ruling elite are squatting on all Malaysians under the guise of standing up for Malay and bumiputera rights. It was Lee himself who thundered just before the expulsion of Singapore from Malaysia: "If they (the Malay elite in Kuala Lumpur) think that they can squat on us and get away with it, they are sadly mistaken."
Fifty-odd years later, squatting is also the main complaint of Hindraf Makkal Sakthi - the ad hoc apolitical movement which initially began as a reaction against the conversion of Everest hero M Moorthy ostensibly to Islam - which marshaled nearly 100,000 people to take to the streets in late 2007 to send shivers down the spine of the ruling elite.
Lee clearly did not describe Malaysia as a failed state, as Umno Youth chief Khairy Jamaluddin claims, or even close to it. Khairy's over-reaction is probably a case of "siapa makan cili, dia yang rasa pedasnya" (whoever eats chilli, will feel its burn).
What Lee is saying is that Malaysia has not done well, obviously compared with Singapore, and could have done better. He's also saying that Singapore could have done even better had Malaysia done better, whether the city state is within or outside the country.
Why Malaysia has not done as well as it should have is not exactly the best kept secret in the world.
There's a ruling elite in Malaysia, the same elite that Lee thundered at in 1965, that has managed to hoodwink a large portion of the rural vote bank to back its long stay in power in cahoots with the non-Malay elite. Between them, they have done in the rest of the nation.
The story behind the story
It would be pointless belabouring the various issues which Lee has raised in pointing out the dilemma that Malaysia faces today. He has mentioned the Indians, Chinese, the Chinese language, Tamil, English, Bahasa Malaysia, the education system, and the effort to turn Malaysia into a solely Malay-run country with only Malays occupying all key posts, among others.
We need to get behind Lee's rhetoric, true as it is. He was mindful of Singapore's commercial interests in not telling the story behind the story.For starters, the entire structure of the ruling BN leaves a lot to be desired. The BN concept circumscribes the democratic process by tacitly endorsing elite "power-sharing" and denying the grassroots meaningful participation in elections, and by extension, nation-building. In reality, the non-Malays in BN are elected by Malay votes, having long been discredited by their own communities.
Umno, the ruling party, has a hidden self-serving agenda behind euphemisms like power-sharing, the BN spirit, and consensus-and-compromise.
They have hijacked Article 153 of the federal constitution from the King and indulged in gross deviations and distortions of the New Economic Policy (1970-1990) to serve a handful in the ruling elite and their fat cats in tow.
Behind the BN facade, the ruling elite has been making hay the last 50-odd years while the sun shone, stealing the people's sweat from the public treasury through government projects that they award themselves through nominees.
This has seen government procurements and projects costing the taxpayer twice, three times and even up to ten times what it should actually cost. The fact that the national debt burden has been estimated to be as high as 70 percent of the gross domestic product should therefore come as no surprise.
To camouflage the entire scam, every issue in Malaysia is twisted and turned into a racial issue to scare the Malays into circling the wagons and gathering under one political platform i.e. Umno. So, the party hopes to remain in power in perpetuity under this colonial-style divide-and-rule tactics even if it means that the rest of the country has to go to the dogs.
Behind the BN facade, the ruling elite has been making hay the last 50-odd years while the sun shone, stealing the people's sweat from the public treasury through government projects that they award themselves through nominees.
This has seen government procurements and projects costing the taxpayer twice, three times and even up to ten times what it should actually cost. The fact that the national debt burden has been estimated to be as high as 70 percent of the gross domestic product should therefore come as no surprise.
To camouflage the entire scam, every issue in Malaysia is twisted and turned into a racial issue to scare the Malays into circling the wagons and gathering under one political platform i.e. Umno. So, the party hopes to remain in power in perpetuity under this colonial-style divide-and-rule tactics even if it means that the rest of the country has to go to the dogs.
Umno toning down on its racist rhetoric since 2008 has seen the entry of Perkasa, led by Pasir Mas MP Ibrahim Ali and endorsed by former prime minister Mahathir Mohamad, to take up the slack.
If Mahathir feels that the Malays still need defending after 53 years of independence, the question that arises is whether he has been tending to their needs during his long innings in power or his own.
Malaysia, Lee would probably agree, needs to get away from the BN and the sooner the better. Of course, Lee himself is exactly in no position to preach here as his People's Action Party (PAP) has also been in power since independence.
The PAP's long stay in power aside, Lee would no doubt point to the fact that unlike BN, it is not race-based and cannot be accused of squatting on the Singaporeans in the manner that Umno has done in Malaysia.
Malaysia, Lee would probably agree, needs to get away from the BN and the sooner the better. Of course, Lee himself is exactly in no position to preach here as his People's Action Party (PAP) has also been in power since independence.
The PAP's long stay in power aside, Lee would no doubt point to the fact that unlike BN, it is not race-based and cannot be accused of squatting on the Singaporeans in the manner that Umno has done in Malaysia.
Among the poorest states
Also perhaps preying on Lee's conscience is the fact that Sabah and Sarawak are among the poorest states in Malaysia today, as virtual colonies of Malaya, despite vast land reserves and oil and gas resources.
Sabah only agreed to Malaysia after the late Donald Stephens was persuaded by Lee. Malaya needed Sabah and Sarawak to balance the bigger number of Chinese with the entry of Singapore into the federation.
Sabah only agreed to Malaysia after the late Donald Stephens was persuaded by Lee. Malaya needed Sabah and Sarawak to balance the bigger number of Chinese with the entry of Singapore into the federation.
True, Lee had no way of knowing that his island was going to be kicked out soon from the federation.
Had Sabah stayed out of the federation, Sarawak would have stayed out too like Brunei at the 11th hour and there would have been no Malaysia. Singapore would have in fact done well by itself, just as it has done since 1965.
There was no need for Lee to push for merger with Malaya but he did. His fear of a communist takeover of the island was much greater than other considerations including the welfare of the people in Sabah and Sarawak.
Had Sabah stayed out of the federation, Sarawak would have stayed out too like Brunei at the 11th hour and there would have been no Malaysia. Singapore would have in fact done well by itself, just as it has done since 1965.
There was no need for Lee to push for merger with Malaya but he did. His fear of a communist takeover of the island was much greater than other considerations including the welfare of the people in Sabah and Sarawak.
But Lee wanted the breathing spell that Malaysia gave him, albeit for two years, to enable him to consolidate the PAP's iron grip on the city state.
JOE FERNANDEZ is Malaysiakini's Sabah pointman who feels compelled to put pen to paper when something doesn't quite jell with his weltanschauung (worldview). He readily admits that there's a demon in him at times, urging him on.
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