Showing posts with label UMNO. Show all posts
Showing posts with label UMNO. Show all posts

Saturday, August 13, 2011

Asia Sentinel: UMNO's Corporate Cornucopia


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The House that Mahathir Built
UMNO's Corporate CornucopiaPDFPrintE-mail
Written by Our Correspondent   
Asia Sentinel, 13 OCTOBER 2010
How Malaysia's companies funneled money into the country's biggest political party

In the 1980s and 1990s, Halim Saad and Tajudin Ramli were two of Malaysia's brightest stars, picked by former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad to lead the country's ethnic Malays onto the national stage as exemplars of a new Bumiputera business culture that would catch up with the ethnic Chinese who had dominated commerce as long as Malaysia had been in existence.

When Mahathir took office, insiders say, his plan was to create a cadre of 100 super-rich bumis who in turn would help rural Malays into prosperity under a konsep payung, or umbrella concept routed through the United Malays National Organization, much the way he envisioned driving the country into industrialization through massive projects. But greed intervened. Once the privileged got rich, there was little incentive to share it with the kampongs, the Malay rural villages. Many of the companies eventually collapsed and are being supported by government institutions such as Kazanah Nasional, the country's sovereign investment fund, or the Employee Provident Fund.

Although the Umno connection was widely assumed during Mahathir's 22 year reign as prime minister, today a flock of explosive court documents filed in different Kuala Lumpur courts appear to be breaking open conclusively the open secret that Tajudin and Halim and others were essentially front men for the United Malays National Organization, the country's biggest ethnic political party and part of a class of rentier businessmen who became known as Umnoputras, a play on the word Bumiputera, or native Malaysians, predominantly ethnic Malays.

To Continue, read UMNO's Corporate Cornucopia



UMNO-linked companies:
Faber Group Bhd
KUB Malaysia Bhd
Malaysian Resources Corp. Bhd
Media Prima Bhd
New Straits Times Press (M) Bhd
Putera Capital Bhd
UEM Builders Bhd
UEM World Bhd
PLUS
Pharmaniaga
Utusan Melayu (M) Bhd (partly owned by Syed Mokhtar Albukhary, another Mahathir crony and one of Malaysia's 10 richest men according to the Forbes List
Renong Bhd
Realmild Sdn Bhd
Mahkota Technologies (Also a partnership with Syed Mokhtar Al Bukhary
Malaysian Airlines
Celcom
Malaysian Helicopter Service
Temasek Padu Sdh Bhd
Sabah Shipyard
Labuan Shipyard
Redicare
Medivest

Monday, July 18, 2011

TMI: An open letter to His Holiness, Pope Benedict XVI — by Martin Jalleh


An open letter to His Holiness, Pope Benedict XVI — by Martin Jalleh

July 18, 2011
JULY 18 — Dear Holy Father,
I am a Catholic, writing from my blessed and beloved country, Malaysia, a land of poignant diversity, pitiful contradictions, pathetic leadership and plentiful opportunity. It is a nation which I am proud of, one where anything and everything is possible — from the most virtuous to the most vile and venal.
Very soon our Prime Minister Najib Razak will be paying you an official visit at your summer residence Castel Gandolfo. He will no doubt put on a “grand show” in Ganddolfo, in spite of having suffered from “heat stroke” after a recent summer of discontent in Malaysia.
The Star, an established (i.e., one dictated by the establishment) newspaper has described the scheduled visit as one “making waves among Roman Catholics” in Malaysia. Strangely the only “wave” still etched in the minds of many Catholics is a “political tsunami” that took place in 2008.
The visit that The Star claims is “bound to make an impression especially on Catholics” was not even mentioned at Sunday Mass in Catholic churches. Further many Catholics currently wave off the PM as one who is leading the nation into abysmal political backwaters.
Catholics who are against the visit, fail to understand that as a spiritual leader, your doors are open to any leader — be he honourable or hypocritical, saint or sinner, righteous or rogue and towering statesman or tyrant, though they know for sure which category their PM belongs in!
It seems this “watershed” event will lead to the establishment of diplomatic relations between the Holy See and Malaysia. Still, many Catholics fail to see the difference such diplomatic ties would make on their daily lives. Will closer ties mean better times to exercise their religious rights, or will there be bolder lies?
The Star also sensationally exclaims: “There cannot be a better opportunity, and at a more appropriate juncture, for the Malaysian leader to highlight the country as one that embodies the principles of inter-religious harmony and respectful co-existence.” Ask anyone who does not read the mainstream press and they will tell you, Holy Father, that since Najib became the PM, Malaysia has been slowly but surely imploding as a result of unprecedented racial and religious insensitivities and intolerance brought about by Muslim zealots and bigots.
In the past, Malaysia had so often been touted as a melting pot of all races and religions in Asia. It has now become a boiling pot! We were once a model, a showcase of a multi-racial-religious society. Now the government has to put on a big show though the reality that we are so divided is showing!
The truth be told, inter-religious harmony is a myth in this country. Sincere attempts at inter-religious dialogue with Muslims and earnest intellectual discussions and discourses have often been derailed by a mob adept only at displaying their ignorance and irrational arguments to justify their intimidating behaviour.
Myth and mockery of moderation
The Star also quotes a senior Malaysian diplomatic official involved in the behind-the-scenes work with the Vatican as saying: “The Vatican has also been wanting to engage with Malaysia which it recognises as a moderate Muslim nation made up of various ethnic groups.’’
Joceline Tan, a senior journalist of The Star at her jocular best even “canonises” the PM as such: “There is no doubt the Western world has begun to take note of Najib as a Muslim leader of reason and moderation and the visit will certainly reinforce that.”
If Najib were indeed “moderate” we would not have had to contend with controversial race and religious issues, which are too many to list down here. Najib’s heavy-handed response to the recently held Walk for Democracy (to institutionalise clean and fair elections) made Malaysia look like a moderate Police State!
Such is the “moderation” of Najib that Christians to date cannot use the word “Allah” though a High Court in 2009 had affirmed it as a constitutional right. Surely the shocked and speechless Preacher to the Papal Household, Fr Raniero Cantalamessa, who visited East Malaysia in 2010 can fill you in on the details!
The PM’s political party, the United Malays National Organisation (Umno) has been politicising religion for its survival by creating unfounded fears and insecurities, sowing seeds of suspicion (and definitely not of “reason”) amongst Muslims, and deepening their distrust for the adherents of other religions.
Malays/Muslims are made to feel that they are always under siege and non-Muslims are their enemies! Yet, as the Muslims are constantly reminded, Malay/Muslim rights have been carved into and guaranteed clearly by the Federal Constitution. The only party that they have to fear most is the Umno elite and warlords!
Imaginary threats and bogeymen have been created by Umno and its cohorts, such as the Christians being hell-bent on confusing and converting every Muslim and the latest being an unsubstantiated allegation of a Christian conspiracy to replace Islam as the official religion, and to pave the way for a Christian PM!
At times the paranoia created has reached such a ridiculous level that the enlightened Muslim community have expressed their embarrassment and even disgust. Marina Mahathir, a truly moderate Muslim lady once highlighted the existence of a group of defenders of the Islamic faith whom she called the SS (the shallow and superficial).
 They are people “who have nothing better to do with their lives than look for monsters under their beds, enemies in their blankets or crosses in their buns (and) ice-cream biscuits”. She also wrote about “the Simple-Minded and Stupid (SMS)… who believe every little message that comes into their hot little phones, no matter how unlikely”.
There are also the “Korrupt Kombative Knuckleheads (KKK) who “will do things like throw firecrackers into churchyards, destroy temples and raid married people’s bedrooms”. She pointed at “the supreme irony of trumpeting our religious superiority while at the same time claiming that it only takes biscuits to destroy us”.
Meanwhile Najib’s government, through its religious departments and the Home Ministry in particular, dominates, dictates, decides, determines and even defines what non-Muslims can and cannot discuss, deliberate on, display in print, and do. Talk about moderation!
In 2008, the then home minister, when issuing a show-cause letter and several warning letters to The Herald (the Catholic newspaper in Peninsula Malaysia) made it his implicit prerogative and position to preach to and pontificate on what Catholics should and should not believe in!
Umno-owned papers, especially the Utusan Malaysia, are allowed to go on a spree of spinning falsehood, spouting lies, spewing seditious articles and spreading what the minister in the PM’s Department called “outdated racist propaganda” with impunity and immunity provided by the home minister.
In June this year, the Utusan Malaysia claimed that millions of ringgit were being funnelled from some 11 foreign Christian organisations to fund the Walk for Democracy. The organisers denied any links to Christian funding, saying instead that funds for the march came from local sources.
Bishop Paul Tan of the Malacca-Johor diocese who is concurrently president of the Catholic Bishops Conference of Malaysia, said the Malay daily “appears to have a licence to publish unsubstantiated and wild allegations aimed at fomenting discord between Christians and Muslims in Malaysia.”
“It appears the authorities are more interested in checking and monitoring people engaged in legitimate expression of their rights than in stopping people who spread all sorts of calumnies against individuals and groups in this country,” he added.
Honour or hypocrisy?
The religious freedom of Christians and other faiths tragically rests on the PM’s political expediency and circumstantial goodwill conveyed during crisis moments in cordial, congenial and courteous close-door meetings together with a chosen few — and not on the constitutional guarantees of religious freedom!
Muslim extremists or fanatics who have been found guilty of sedition, criminal intimidation and sacrilegious acts either go scot-free or are given light and ludicrous court sentences which make the Attorney-General’s Chambers, the judiciary and the government laughable, and reduce Najib’s “moderate” resolve to check extremism to mere lip service.
Fanatics, extremists, or what the minister in the PM’s Department calls “clowns” are given a free hand in taunting and threatening Christians and other faiths with a bloodbath and a holy war (jihad) whilst the landscape is littered with an increasing number of “Little Mullah Napoleons” running riot with their own brand of religion.
What gives extremist Malay/Muslim groups the audacity to display their insolence with impunity? The moderate PM is their inspiration! During the 61st Umno Annual General Assembly, Najib moderately vowed to defend Umno’s five-decade stranglehold on the federal government at all cost.
 After being PM for almost three years, Najib has failed to fight the fires of racial and religious fanaticism, aggressively fanned by his own party. He takes flight and hides behind his 1 Malaysia slogan — a faltering façade, farce and flop which makes him look so utterly foolish! Now we have another slogan — “moderation”!
According to Najib’s Umno, the Malay/Muslim majority in this country must stamp their superiority over the rest, made all the more easier by Executive Supremacy! Yet this very party that harps on supremacy (be it race or religion), claims that Muslims here can be very easily confused, convinced, controlled and converted!
Perhaps the saddest outcome of today’s “moderate Malaysia” is that we have accepted the distinction between “Muslim and non-Muslim dominated areas”. Yet, there was a time when the citizens of diverse races and religions so successfully lived together side by side in mutual respect and admiration!
Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah, a veteran in Umno, once with dead honesty declared that ours is a “sham democracy… one which existed only in name but grievously compromised in substance, reality and fact”! According to the politician and prince, Malaysia has “a domineering style of leadership with the cult of the great leader”. How can there be moderation?
I hope that you will remind our PM of your wise warning in 2009 when speaking at the King Hussein bin Talal mosque in Amman, that the “manipulation of religion sometimes for political ends… is the real catalyst for tension and division and at times even violence in society…”
I pray, Holy Father, that you will not allow our prime minister to politicize the papacy and use the visit as a political ploy and a public relations exercise with his predictable “moderate” proclamations, pious pronouncements and pretentious promises.
In spite of the depressing scenario that I have so described, we are not discouraged nor do we despair. You had once declared that “interreligious and intercultural dialogue between Christians and Muslims … is a vital necessity, on which in large measure our future depends”.
It is this path and one towards a “more authentic mutual understanding” with our Muslim friends that many Catholics in Malaysia continue to strive towards. The divine always triumphs over evil human designs.
 May the heavens intervene when His Holiness meets His Hollowness! May hype give way to true hope! May honour prevail over hypocrisy! May humility be the spirit that will grace the hallowed halls of Gandolfo!
* This is the personal opinion of the writers. The Malaysian Insider does not endorse the view unless specified.

Wednesday, July 13, 2011

TMI: Najib’s ‘botched’ handling of Bersih shows timid reforms, says Bloomberg columnist


Najib’s ‘botched’ handling of Bersih shows timid reforms, says Bloomberg columnist

July 13, 2011
KUALA LUMPUR, July 13 — A senior financial columnist with Bloomberg blasted Datuk Seri Najib Razak’s handling of the Bersih rally saying it’s a public relations disaster and underlined his lacklustre reform agenda.
William Pesek’s column, which will likely be widely read by decision makers around the globe due to the reach of the influential financial newswire, could further taint the image of Malaysia among investors.
“What can we make of a leader who promised reform and moderation and now sounds like a Roman emperor?,” questioned Pesek in his column.
“Can a nation that arrests almost 1,700 people, some just for wearing yellow shirts, still be called a democracy? Najib’s response even had Malaysians feeling sorry for opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim, who was injured by flying tear gas canisters.”
He also added that the Najib administration’s crackdown turned what should have been a ho-hum political-reform rally of little note by the international news media into a top news story and also enraged Malaysians who weren’t all that interested in rallying before Saturday.
The crackdown also refocused attention on Najib’s reforms with Pesek saying Najib (picture)is offering vague intentions without meaningful or specific goals even though investors want clarity.
The Bloomberg columnist attributed the pace of reforms to the ruling party’s desire to hold on to power which could ultimately hold Malaysia back in a competitive global marketplace.
“It’s no mystery why,” wrote Pesek. “All that matters to Umno is clinging to its five-decade hold on power.
“Such misplaced priorities explain why Malaysia has been slow to streamline the economy and encourage the kind of entrepreneurialism that creates well-paid jobs. It’s also why leaders are timid about scrapping productivity-killing policies that only benefit portions of the population. “
He also noted that the rally may have delayed Najib’s pledge to dismantle a 40- year preferential programme that favours the Malay majority which makes it harder for non-Malays to find good jobs and deters investors with quotas.
Pesek warned that the potential for upheaval shouldn’t be underestimated and that there really is a “bull market in the desire for political change” in the region.
He pointed out rising calls for political change in countries ranging from Thailand to China and even Singapore which saw its ruling party win its narrowest election victory since independence, during the recent May elections.
“The question now is which way Najib turns,” said Pesek.
“At this point, he may avoid calling an early election this year — there’s just too much risk for him. Which direction he takes in changing policy is an even bigger unknown.”

Tuesday, July 5, 2011

malaysiakini: Fascist threats: The same old Umno tricks... by Kua Kia Soong


Fascist threats: The same old Umno tricks
Kua Kia Soong
Jul 5, 2011
3:33pm

The repression by the Umno-led regime leading up to the Bersih rally of July 9 should serve as an eye opener for the youth of today who have not lived through the other orchestrated crises they have created in the past.

Every time the regime has faced a challenge from within Umno itself, such as in 1987 or from without, such as in 1998, the regime has invented a crisis.

Build-up to Operasi Lalang

It was the same during the build-up to Operasi Lalang in 1987 when Umno Youth threatened to hold a 500,000 strong rally in Kuala Lumpur to build on the rally in Kampung Baru where there were banners calling for racial bloodletting.

The Umno Youth leader at the time who excelled at breast-beating was none other than the present prime minister. This was the response to the completely peaceful assembly at the Tian Hou Temple called by the Chinese associations to protest the unreasonable posting of unqualified administrators to the Chinese schools. Operation Lalang was unleashed soon after.

During my detention under Operation Lalang, the Special Branch maintained that the response by Umno Youth was reasonable because they had been provoked by the Chinese associations. That's right, Umno Youth has the state backing for any fascist violence they may choose to unleash against any protests or assemblies even if they are completely peaceful assemblies. They did the same when NGOs organised perfectly peaceful forums on the freedom of religion.


The selective efficiency of the police

Thus, Umno (and now their alter-ego, Perkasa) threatens violence whenever it is convenient for them. And the police, who are usually pretty efficient at putting down peaceful assemblies, can be selective in keeping order whenever these fascist mobs strike.

For example, it took the Malaysian police just twenty minutes to break up the peaceful Kesas Highway demonstration by thousands during the Reformasi years. But the police arrived one hour late during the peaceful East Timor conference in 1996 when it was disrupted by a mob organised by Umno Youth. They were late again in restraining the mob that harassed the anti-Lynas protest in Kuantan recently.

During the racial violence in Kampung Medan in 2001, the police took nearly a week to restore order. They took an even longer time to restore order after the pogrom of May 13 in 1969 – something like two months!


The Suqiu appeals

Again in 1999, Umno Youth threatened to burn down the Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall if the Chinese associations did not withdraw their Suqiu demands that had already been accepted by even the BN before the general elections that year. 

The leaders of the Chinese associations surrendered to these threats by agreeing to keep in abeyance those appeals that Umno had objected to. The Umno Youth leader who distinguished himself in terrorising Suqiu was none other than the present Home Minister, famed for his keris-wielding machismo at Umno general assemblies.


Detention without trial: Easy to use...just lock them up!

The most convenient method of repression has always been to use detention without trial after the “crisis” created by Umno Youth's threat of fascist violence. The ISA (Internal Security Act) is the most well-known of these repressive apparatuses but in fact of late, more people have been detained through the use of the Emergency Ordinance (EO).

The detention of Dr Kumar and other PSM activists under the EO reflects a new trend in the BN government's use of detention without trial. For years, the EO has been used against alleged gangsters and others involved in criminal activities while the ISA has been the favoured instrument to terrorise dissidents.

Do you see now why the BN government will cling on to the use of detention without trial as long as they can and all the more reason why justice-loving Malaysians must make the abolition of detention without trial top of the democratic agenda?


Must we live in perpetual fear of Umno's threats?

The leaders in Bersih have said they will be seeking audience with the King and will abide by his wisdom. Do we really expect the King to say “Yea, rave on with the rally?” Of course, not! Everyone knows he's going to counsel the Bersih leaders against going through with the July 9 rally. And the Bersih leaders will use it as the reason for calling off the rally.

But since when has the King had to be consulted on the people's struggles? Is this some new insight our constitutional lawyers have recently acquired into our system of constitutional monarchy?

So, what's the lesson in this episode of Malaysian struggles?

Should the rally be called off without any concessions by the BN government toward free and fair elections? If the YDP Agung is to be used as a climb-down accessory, some concession toward free and fair elections must be forthcoming by the BN government. Otherwise, the Bersih leaders must tell us what has been the purpose of planning this rally in the first place.

No, they cannot say they did not anticipate the fascist threats by Umno Youth and Perkasa nor can they say they did not expect the use of detention without trial by the BN government. If no concession by the BN government is forthcoming while the rally is called off, I dare say we have been led up the garden path to July 9!


Kua Kia Soong is director of Suaram.

Wednesday, October 20, 2010

Malaysiakini: Khairy J: a moderating new voice for BN?

Khairy: Relying on the Malay vote alone will lose us seats
Regina Lee
Oct 20, 10
10:55am
 
Relying solely on the Malay vote will lose Umno and BN seats in the elections - that is the reality, said Umno Youth chief Khairy Jamaluddin.
khairy jamaluddin pc umno agm 191010 01This was demonstrated in the last polls in which Umno almost lost due to the loss of support by non-Malays, he told the wing's annual general assembly in Kuala Lumpr this morning.

“If we hope to rely on the Malay vote alone, we should be mindful that there are only 73 parliamentary seats with a dominant Malay majority of 70 percent and above. Such is the reality.

“We must learn from the results of the last general elections, where we almost relinquished power due to the loss of support from non-Malays.

"If we still subscribe to the illusion that we can win without their support, then 50 seats currently held by BN are in grave danger.

“If there is no concerted effort to practise an inclusive and moderate leadership, Umno's Malay leadership will disappear come the next election,” he added.

Khairy also said that Umno Youth should stop dreaming of uniting all Malays within the party, as no Malay-based political party can claim to have the support of all Malays to vote the same way in the elections.

“There is no Malay party – be it Umno or PAS – that can secure a hundred percent of Malay votes. In many areas, the Malay political split is such that 50 percent are on one side and 50 percent on the other.

“This means that any side wanting to win, must win with the support of all Malaysians, regardless of race and religion,” he said.

In the 2008 general elections, BN lost two-thirds majority for the first time since 1969, with five states falling to the hands of the Pakatan state government.

Many of the BN candidates lost, with many attributing it to the loss of non-Malay support among the electorates.

Empathise with the non-Malays

Khairy, speaking in his second year as the movement's chief to the 795 delegates gathered at the Putra World Trade Centre, also urged Umno Youth member to empathise with the grievances of their non-Malay fellow countrymen.

“Are we in any way less Malay if our struggle cuts across race and religion, without sacrificing basic principles of our cause? Are we heretics for condemning attacks perpetrated by certain parties on people of other faiths?

“Are we traitors for disagreeing when non-bumiputeras are labeled as settlers and squatters? The answer is a resolute no!” he said.

“In the midst of us calling for Malays to be big-hearted and embrace the politics of moderation, the sensitivities of the bumiputeras must also be recognized and respected.

“... When they are referred to as pendatang or told to return to China or India - what of their feelings?

“This, too, is their country. This is their country of birth; in fact that of their parents and grandparents. What of the feelings of the poor non-Malay student denied government scholarship despite achieving outstanding results?” he said to muted response.

Calling for more understanding between the races, he said that prejudices and barriers will only foster when people fail to appreciate the feelings of other races.

“Young Malaysians live within the confines of their own ethnic communities. The young Malay who attends religious school, a Middle Eastern university and watches Malay programs on Astro Ria is alien to the young Chinese attending a vernacular school, a Taiwanese university and entertained by (cable television channel) 'Wah Lai Toi'.

“Each perpetuates mutual prejudices because of these barriers that exist,” he said.

'Wanting NEP reviewed is not treachery'
While defending the New Economic Policy which took effect in 1970, Khairy also said it was time to take a step backwards and face objectively the reality that the implementation of the affirmative action policy had shortcomings, leakages and loopholes.

“During that (rapid economic growth in the 90's), we saw many Malay millionaires given great opportunities and brought to the fore through privatisation programs and ownership of shares via 'pink forms'.

“Unfortunately, the shares allocated to Bumiputeras to increase the community's equity position were sold because some wanted a quick buck, the luxurious bungalow, the Mercedes, the young wife more becoming of their newfound status.

“With the sudden riches that fell on their lap, they could not remain grounded,” he said.

“This reality demands that we make changes. We must be clear that the New Economic Model does not sideline the Malay agenda. What it does is update the implementationmethods to overcome the weaknesses of the NEP.

“Why should we be afraid of an economic agenda based on merit? Why should we be concerned when those who have the capabilities, who are genuine, are given the opportunity to move forward?” he asked.

“Let it not be that simply wanting to reexamine an approach of the agenda for Malays invites the charge of being a traitor,” he said.

Monday, October 4, 2010

malaysiakini: Conquer fear? Yes, we can... by Josh Hong

Conquer fear? Yes, we can
Josh Hong
malaysiakini, Oct 1, 10
1:27pm

In rolling out the Economic Transformation Programme (ETP), encompassing a great variety of projects totaling US$44 billion, Prime Minister Najib Abdul Razak is pinning his hopes on securing an electoral victory over the opposition with impressive economic performance.

But would any economy in the world achieve transformation without deep-rooted reform? I am afraid not.

In fact, the experiences of the developed nations strongly indicate several key factors in sustainable economic growth: openness to the world economy, extensive freedom of private business, stable and efficient regulations (including well-defined property and intellectual property rights), considerable infrastructure investments, a competent, professional and honest public administration, strong commitment in human capital, as well as a vibrant civil society.

As Najib celebrates the 18th month of his government this weekend, the public is yet to hear about root-and-branch reforms in the judiciary, police, bureaucracy, press and media and, of course, the political sector.

Instead of feeding the people with dazzling but unrealistic figures and statistics, the government will do well to spell out concrete measures - if any - to root out corruption, improve public integrity and enhance transparency. Any attempt at China's Great Leap Forward will likely end in bitter disappointment at best and catastrophic failure at worst.

zunar cartoon-o-phobiaRecent developments show that the government may on one hand be trying doubly hard to prove that it does have in mind a gigantic economic pie to keep everyone satisfied, it is also seeking to tighten up control over the public on the other.

Of late, there has been a series of blatant assaults on voices and views that do not go down well with the powers-that-be, the latest casualties being Zunar, the popular cartoonist who was briefly detained last week, and Kim Quek, whose title The March To Putrajaya is now officially banned. The government's weird and desperate acts have got Zunar and many wondering if one, under Najib's 1Malaysia, now needs a licence even to laugh.

Umno's politicking is so intense and its attacks so profane that they have prompted one Hata Wahari to brave the potential reprisal by urging both the government and the top management of Utusan Malaysia to stop exploiting the Malay daily as a political tool.

Nearly five decades to the year when the once progressive Malay nationalist newspaper was forcibly taken over by Umno amid much public outcry and protest, a conscientious voice that resembles that of the fearless Said Zahari is finally heard, however feeble it may sound.

Writing already on the wall

Like it or not, the end of the Barisan Nasional era is nigh. Even if it does not happen at the next general election, the writing is already on the wall. The strange emergence of Perkasa cannot be more ominous. In failing to distance itself from the ultra-Malay group, Umno is alienating non-Malays, with the MCA, MIC and Gerakan being among those hit by collateral damage.

namewee photo burnt by perkasa membersEven moderate and fair-minded Malays will be alarmed by the incivility pervasive among Perkasa members, whose abusive language and vulgarity have outdone Namewee's poor taste. Both Perkasa and Namewee can now go back conceited, safe in the knowledge that they have strengthened their respective support bases.

All this is part and parcel of Umno's cunning plan to strike great fears in the public, for no authoritarian government will take defeat lying down, especially when so much vested interest is at stake.

Knowing that all the dodgy deals and mega scandals have widened the trust deficit between the people and itself, the BN government has no option but to do its utmost to ensure minimal punishment at the ballot box, hence the paradoxical combination of economic hopes and political fears.

Whether the oft-used tactic will work is dependent on us. Malaysians must remember our dreams will be blocked or even shattered if we allow our fear to grow bigger than our faith in creating a peaceful and trustful society.

Fear makes strangers of people who would otherwise be friends. For years, Malaysians of all races have been frightened into thinking the other party would never understand us, so we choose not to talk directly to avoid unpleasantness. But are Malaysians really so immature in handling differences that we must constantly look to the government for guidance?

The Germans cannot have put it more succinctly: fear makes the wolf bigger than it is (Angst macht den Wolf größer, als er ist), so the onus is on us to reject BN's politics of intimidation and bullying. National life is nothing if it is based on fear, rather than genuine hopes and understandings.

It is either that we rise up and overcome the fear, or wait to be devoured by it. What do you think the authorities can do if thousands of people take to the streets to protest against the government's inertia in institutional reforms across the board? Put us all behind bars?



JOSH HONG studied politics at London Metropolitan University and the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London. A keen watcher of domestic and international politics, he longs for a day when Malaysians will learn and master the art of self-mockery, and enjoy life to the full in spite of politicians.

Saturday, September 25, 2010

The Age, Austalia: Malaysia stumbling,,, by Eric Ellis

Malaysia stumbling

Eric Ellis
TheAge
Australia September 23, 2010

ONE of Australia’s key partners in Asia is struggling. Given the way its leaders have taunted Australia over the years, schadenfreude at its plight would be understandable. But this should be resisted, for if Malaysia stumbles, the effects may ripple across the region.

Erstwhile sponsor of the Carlton Football Club, a cash cow for the Australian education sector, Australia’s 10th largest trading partner and a champion of ”Asian values” – whatever they are – Malaysia seems to be brimming with sky-is-falling Chicken Littles. And their analyses are alarmist; ”failed state”, ”deep pit”, ”national decay”, ”ocean-going corruption”, ”useless mega-projects”.

While some of these could be used to describe the Delhi Commonwealth Games – a massive undertaking Malaysia successfully pulled off 12 years ago by the way – it is about a country oft-regarded as an Asian success, whose rampant economy inspired a cockiness among its leaders to take racially tinged potshots at the ”decadent and immoral” West, and at Australia in particular.

And then there was the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank to demonise, indeed anyone its mercurial then prime minister Mahathir Mohamad didn’t like on any given day. And there was 23 years of it, the Mahathir monopoly on Malaysian power.

So what’s prompted such painful hand-wringing from a tigerish economy that likes to boast how it ditched traditional models to virtually promise endless riches? The answer is some of the nastiest foreign direct investment (FDI) statistics an Asian economy has served up in a generation.

FDI into Malaysia slumped dramatically last year, falling a whopping 81 per cent. In 2009, Malaysia took in just $1.38 billion of new investment, barely enough to build a half-decent bridge in a land where pork-barrelling infrastructure projects are de rigueur. By contrast, India averaged almost double that in any given month. Malaysia’s FDI take was even less than that lured by the Philippines, long the region’s economic basket case.

This worries Malaysians greatly. For all of Mahathir’s bluster, he was careful to suck up to big business, and his less-poisonous successors since 2003 have done much the same. Foreign investment underpinned the Malaysian ”miracle”, transforming sleepy Penang into an Asian Silicon Valley and industrialising the Klang Valley that surrounds Kuala Lumpur to OECD levels, with $40,000 a year average incomes to match.

So has the sky fallen in? Some of the fall can be explained by the 2008 ”trans-Atlantic financial crisis”, as many like to call it in Asia. Malaysia’s reliance on foreign investment made it one of Asia’s most globally connected countries. So when Europe and North America tightened their belts after the subprime meltdown, Malaysia naturally was jolted. But the same external dramas affected just as connected Thailand – which endured a crippling political crisis to boot – and more so globalised Singapore, and both far outperformed Malaysia in ongoing FDI, as did Indonesia.

Malaysian fingers point at Prime Minister Najib Tun Razak and his on-again, off-again will to reform a lop-sided economy Mahathir tilted to favour his bumiputra franchise, the ethnic Malays who comprise about half Malaysia’s 28 million people.

Mahathir advantaged Malays with an aggressive ”new economic policy (NEP)”. Mahathir’s thinking went that Malays were less commercially inclined than their compatriot Chinese and Indian Malaysians and thus needed the state’s help. The NEP’s affirmative action aimed to lift Malays out of poverty, but many analysts have likened it to economic apartheid, a meal ticket that many Malays have got too used to.

The NEP anchored Mahathirism and helped keep him in power for two decades. Malays were lifted but NEP side effects are many and cancerous; corruption, cronyism and an oversized sense of entitlement. Much of Malaysia’s economy is controlled by ethnic Chinese, who pragmatically chummed up to Mahathir. To some, the NEP meant simply installing well-paid and influential Malay placemen on boards to fulfil quotas.

Anti-NEP rancour has been building for years and in 2008, five years after Mahathir retired, voters registered disgust by handing his Malay-centric United Malay National Organisation-led coalition its worst result in history, losing its two-thirds parliamentary majority in a gerrymandered assembly. The UMNO faithful toppled Mahathir’s successor, Abdullah Badawi, and now, as support wavers, his successor, Najib, says he wants to replace the NEP with a ”new economic model”, which he pledges to ”execute or be executed”.

There’s a rising fin de regime tint about the UMNO empire, which has never been out of office and has absorbed Malaysia’s critical facilities of state; the civil service, military, media and the education system. Abolishing the NEP is a particular cross for the aristocratic Najib to bear; it was conceived in the early 1970s by his then prime minister father Tun Abdul Razak.

Najib has a big problem, and it is not just the allegations of corruption and even murder that swirl around his circle. Like Julia Gillard, Najib doesn’t have a popular mandate to govern. Also like Gillard, he got handed office when his party’s faceless men knifed an elected PM, Badawi, in office. Malaysians expect Najib to go to the polls soon to get that mandate, but he doesn’t seem sure it’s a good idea, as a confident opposition calls him to account.

In shades of Gillard’s Labor still, party hardliners are in revolt. While most moderate Malays accept the NEP needs tweaking, if only to keep UMNO breathing and in power, a virulent core of party heavies has organised under the banner of a movement called Perkasa, which means ”mighty” in Malay.

Perkasa claims to be defending the Malaysian constitution, which guarantees Malay ethnic primacy. It says it is fighting for Malay rights against the rising challenge of minorities. But Perkasa feels like a supremacist movement, something a Pauline Hanson might recognise. A former US ambassador to Kuala Lumpur has described Perkasa as ”militant”, while non-Malays condemn it for racial divisiveness. That’s emotive language in a country where people still define themselves by ethnicity over nationality and where the deadly race riots of the 1960s are never far away in thinking and policy – not just in Malaysia but among neighbours alert to ethnic tension.

As he dithers over rolling back the NEP and over an election timetable, Najib seems to think he can spend his way to popularity. Last week, he outlined a Mahathir-esque $500 billion investment plan to transform the economy with mega-projects. He appealed to foreign investors to help. But as China, India and Indonesia boom, they will need convincing it is money well spent.

Sunday, September 12, 2010

The Straits Times: Umno and the average Malay... by Cheong Suk-Wai

Umno and the average Malay

By Cheong Suk-Wai, Senior Writer
The Straits Times, June 1, 2010

TABLE TALK WITH MAZNAH MOHAMAD
IT USED to be that whenever it came to election time in Malaysia, the country’s ruling party Umno would gets its community development workers to fan out to all the hamlets on bicycles and on foot to take the political temperature and assure villagers that Umno was the best doctor for them, taking care of their births, deaths and everything in between. But then village youth began migrating en masse to towns from the 1980s and Umno lost these rural forts.

Malaysian sociologist Maznah Mohamad recalls Umno’s women telling her how urban folk would shoo them away and even hurl insults at them if they tried to woo them. Dr Maznah, 54, notes wryly: ‘You can’t go knocking on doors in, say, Subang Jaya. People will just chase you away. There’s no community spirit in such neighbourhoods. Anyway, they’re urbanised, so why would they need you to help them?’

An alumna of Macalester College, Stanford University and the University of Malaya, Dr Maznah knows a lot about such matters, having studied Malays in general, and Umno in particular, in her 27 years as a don in Penang’s Universiti Sains Malaysia (USM).

She retired from USM in 2006, and has since been a visiting senior research fellow at the National University of Singapore’s Asia Research Institute. Her husband, Dr Johan Savaranamuttu, is a visiting senior research fellow at the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies here. They have two children.
She spoke to The Straits Times recently about her country’s New Economic Model (NEM) and where Umno stands today:

Who is the average Malaysian Malay today?
He is male, Muslim and has an excess of rights and privileges without too much responsibility, for he benefits from what I call a vulgarised affirmative action policy formally known as the New Economic Policy (NEP).

Why ‘vulgarised’?
Simply because it has veered from its original aim and has metamorphosed into a scheme that equalises rewards rather than opportunities… After a while, even a conscious policy like that is not necessary because it assumes its own dynamics – like people from the same ethnic group drawing their own (into workplaces), so you don’t even need racial quotas… But it is difficult to undo a policy that’s so entrenched.

So life is good for the average Malaysian Malay?
Besides NEP rights, Malaysia’s Islamic laws today are biased towards male rights, such as polygamy and the unilateral right to divorce. Even Jakim, the Department of Islamic Development, has had to set up a RM15 million (S$6.4 million) fund to assist single mothers who have not received maintenance from their children’s fathers. This is not good because the state picks up after these errant males… The average Malay male is treated with kid gloves.

Why so?
Well, there’s really a lot of disjuncture in the system. The (average Malay) has all these rights and privileges, but for a Muslim man who’s poor, that’s where the problem starts: Psychologically, he might think that he’s powerful and head of the household but, realistically, he’s not able to maintain it…

That’s why you find many among them just leaving the family. You also have Muslim wives who earn a lot more than their husbands, yet are forced to be obedient and subservient. There is this whole entrenchment of a kind of politics and culture that does not actually assess (Malays) realistically.

So what is Umno’s attraction to them these days?
The attraction in joining Umno today is still that it’s a sure ticket to a plum appointment or business contract because there isn’t anything idealistic in Umno today. Sixty years ago, it was about wanting to help the Malays but that is not so today because Malay rights and privileges are already guaranteed in the Constitution… If Umno pays you RM300 a month to deliver letters to its branches, that’s enough to pay, say, the loan on your motorcycle. So Umno is more like a job than a party at the end of the day.

Which begs the question: Who wouldn’t want to join it?
Well, those who don’t need to, don’t have to, right? Also, those who join the opposition Parti Islam SeMalaysia (PAS) have an idealism that has trumped even material benefits.

That puts Umno in quite a spot, surely?
Exactly. Umno’s lifeblood has been helping the Malays get to a certain level. So if the Malays are backward and not able to catch up, Umno would then be forever relevant… But now, what other language can Umno use?

So why are its leaders saying the NEM must replace the NEP?
In a way, it’s the right moment to do so because, on the one hand, Prime Minister Najib Razak isn’t exactly all that strong because he hasn’t gone through the baptism of elections and was endorsed by Umno when it was at its weakest. On the other hand, you have a growing Malay middle class that is clamouring for reform. This convergence of the weak and the strong makes Malaysia ripe for the NEM.
Having said that, it’s a misnomer to call the NEM a model. It’s really just a government wish list. Nevertheless, it’s going to provide a platform for some very important talking points.

How fresh are these points?
There are three which have not been stated explicitly before: The first links corruption to the faltering economy; before, corruption was there but it wasn’t considered a moral evil… But now the NEM has made that connection, albeit with the fancy-sounding term ‘rent-seeking in economic practices’. The second is trying to get rid of affirmative action, using the code phrase ‘affirmative action that is friendly to market policy’ – which is an oxymoron, right? The third – and this is very important – is how they’re going to stimulate the economy by bringing back ‘talented Malaysians’ which, again, is a code phrase for non-Malays… I don’t know if that’s possible under the present circumstances, but at least they’ve identified that as what they’ve to do. So let’s give them the benefit of the doubt.

These three things are good because a good policy has something which people desire commonly. So the NEP was very successful because it was made out to be something that could prevent future ethnic conflicts and also eradicate poverty – and who could quarrel with that?

But hasn’t the NEP rendered Malaysians uncompetitive?
Yes, but it never hurt the economy – until now – and so Umno became complacent and mixed up short-term necessities with long-term realities.

Can Umno change?
The only way it can change is if it loses… That’s because nothing has changed in Umno, not even its rhetoric. Has money politics changed? No. Histrionics? No. Keris-waving? No.

Is this Umno’s darkest period yet?
There are two ways of looking at it. If you view it in terms of election performance, Umno did very badly in 2008. But if you’re looking at Umno versus PAS, Umno is still ahead of PAS by a long shot. In Umno’s worst years, 1969 and 2008, it won 35 per cent of the parliamentary seats. PAS’ best year was 1999, when it won just 14 per cent of the parliamentary seats. See the gap?

So who or what is Umno’s biggest threat now?
Fence-sitters. The 2008 election was really about them; a lot of seats were won very narrowly and that was when the fence-sitters mattered.

Hard talk
SOCIOLOGIST Maznah Mohamad is an avowed feminist known for her incisive and perceptive views. Here she is on:

What the average Malaysian Malay wants out of life
‘Nothing much, really – well, except maybe pride and dignity – because he has too many rights and privileges but too few responsibilities.’

Malays and affirmative action
‘Many Malays increasingly do not feel comfortable about continually receiving handouts – unless they have political ambitions, then it’s tied to that.’

How she feels about being Malay
‘In Malaysia, it is about being inadequate culturally; in Singapore, it is about being inadequate professionally. So Malays like me feel neither here nor there.’
How she lives with that ‘Actually, I’m quite comfortable because it’s good to be in a category where you’re able to confuse people.’

1Malaysia
‘Umno doesn’t want to promote a Malaysian Malaysia because that’s associated with the People’s Action Party. And then you have this peach of a slogan which means the same thing.’

The ruling coalition
‘They’re pandering to race and religion and people don’t need that. They need good food, good jobs, good education, good transport and good health.’

Former Malaysian premier Mahathir Mohamad
‘He was neither maverick nor Machiavellian; he was actually mainstream. He did bring radical change with Vision 2020 and he tried to create a Bangsa Malaysia. But he wasn’t forceful enough…and instead perpetuated race-based politics.’

The opposition Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR)
‘Many of its members were from Umno and so expected the same gravy train to come their way. But they’ve waited and waited and PKR is still not the government, so you can expect them to leave it.’

Malaysia’s future
‘We can still go out for hawker food; it doesn’t matter that the buildings are falling apart.’



Dr Maznah Mohamad joined Asian Research Institute (ARI) of the National University of Singapore (NUS) as a Visiting Senior Research Fellow in 2006. Concurrently, she is a Visiting Senior Fellow at the Southeast Asian Studies Programme, NUS.
Before joining ARI, she taught at the Universiti Sains Malaysia and also held a visiting chair appointment (ASEAN and International Studies) at the Munk Centre for International Studies, University of Toronto.
Dr Mohamad obtained her Ph.D. in Southeast Asian Studies at the University of Malaya and her M.A. in International Development Education at Stanford University. She also holds a Bachelors degree in Sociology (cum laude) from Macalester College.
Maznah’s publications include, The Malay Handloom Weavers: A Study of the Rise and Decline of Traditional Manufacture (ISEAS, 1996); Risking Malaysia: Culture, Politics and Identity (co-edited, Penerbit UKM, 2001) and Feminism and the Women’s Movement in Malaysia (co-authored, Routledge, 2006). She has also published articles on Malaysian politics, Islam, democracy and human rights.