Showing posts with label New Malaysia. Show all posts
Showing posts with label New Malaysia. Show all posts

Friday, March 12, 2010

malaysiakini: A new Malaysia still possible

A new Malaysia still possible
David KL Quek
Mar 9, 10
11:09am


comment I was in a bookstore in Petaling Jaya on the evening of March 8, 2008, when incredulous news trickled in via SMS and was whispered all round - that election history was being made.


That morning, I had voted at the polling station in the Bukit Damansara school where, surprisingly, there was rather muted activity. I had remarked to my wife that there was a strange atmosphere about it all.


Queues were relatively short, orderly and brisk, as if everyone had already made up their minds, and that there was no longer any need to engage in debate or polemics. When I asked, a police personnel said early morning voting had been quite vigorous once polling began.


dap ceramah in pasir pinji 280208 lim kit siang 1By midnight, this watershed election had been labelled a “political tsunami” by stalwart oppositionist Lim Kit Siang (left). Later, a beaming Anwar Ibrahim declared (too prematurely) that by Sept 16, defectors from the ruling Barisan Nasional would lead to a new government.


The opposition in Malaysia had indeed made significant headway, wresting four state governments from the BN's grip. At parliamentary level, the two-thirds stranglehold of the almighty government was at last broken.


Optimism and hope for change percolated down to the growing numbers of suddenly awakened if incredulous Malaysians who had dared to believe. At last, it might all be possible… 'Change' became not just a buzz word, but a possibility!


At last, after some 50 years of uninterrupted political dominance, some much needed change might finally emerge to chip away at the fossilised ramparts of a tired government.
Accustomed incumbency, perceived widespread corruption and perhaps mulish arrogance had made the BN lose its bearings, its human touch, its debilitating sense of justice and fairness, and its vaunted connection with the rakyat.


Much has been made of the tottering behemoth of BN's supremacy now under siege: Umno-led BN, chained to the long shadows of its own much-maligned institutions; its deadbeat racially-focused politicians, its blatantly biased and selectively prosecutorial police and attorney-general's chambers, its seemingly beholden judiciary, its subservient bloated civil service…


In the giddy euphoria following the elections, though, many underestimated the dogged resolve and wiliness of the ruling elite…


The weakened BN was not yet defeated - it was shaken, but clearly stirred to react even more rambunctiously. If anything, they have stood fast and fought with all the Machiavellian tools that they have at their disposal still.


Vibrant awakening


Certainly, in the heady days and months following that historic moment, there was a vibrant whiff of possible real change in the air - fresh, even invigorating.


For many Malaysians, cobwebs literally fell off our dust-blinded eyes. Clarity of purpose and hopeful assertiveness burst forth, creating an unprecedented blast against tightly constrained emotions, fearful self-censorship and resigned apathy.


The independent if unruly blogosphere exploded. Malaysia's alternative media erupted into a viable if plangent chorus for the more discerning, perhaps more so for the stubbornly disgruntled.
A new phenomenon of spontaneous opinion-making and uncensored commentary was unleashed upon the cyberspace.


internet media and print mediaThe escaped genie of uncontainable outspokenness shocked yet enlightened a whole new segment of the people to actively engage and attract increasingly more credibility, and even demand to be heard.


Exposés became standard must-read and juicy fare when leaked documents found their way into the cyberspace, to badger the authorities to scramble to respond… Secrets and cover-ups, especially those that bordered on dubious legality, became harder to obscure, to hide.


Perhaps finally, we would finally see a swing towards more palpable justice, greater accountability and transparent scrutiny of how this country is run or should be run. Perhaps too, a meaningful voice would be found for our silenced majority: our apathetic, overly cautious, self-censoring, timid, self-interested, oftentimes ingratiating rakyat.


To quote playwright and social critic Kee Thuan Chye: “Malaysians are becoming more courageous… we are struggling to shake off the culture of fear and I think we are succeeding. There is a new spirit of defiance now.”


At a recent gathering to commemorate our supposedly new political awakening, Kee, author of 'March 8: The Day Malaysia Woke Up', said Malaysians must regain the optimism to “make irreversible the trend to take Malaysia out of the dark ages”.


kee thuan chye“Choice is what we have now. We should exercise that choice - for the betterment of our country. And exercise it without fear,” he had said.


Post-March 8, 2008 there was much hype, much bravado, but then again perhaps too much politicking and bombast, with too little achieved.


The encrusted incumbency proved too rock-hard to corrosion at the ossified foundations of obsolescent racial and religious chauvinism, tawdry power politics and rent-seeking patronage. Countervailing powers obstinately refused to fritter away, or to meaningfully adjust for the better.


Broken promises, deflated hope


Thus, two years on, more of us are sensing a pervasive smog of oppressive disquiet. Our earlier bubble of hope and promise has been all but deflated. There is a rising sense of foreboding that reminds every erstwhile expectant detractor that not much has changed. Salacity outpaces sagacity; shenanigans overshadow our natural sense of justice.


Many now feel that our hitherto coarse pastiche of cohesive social fabric and unity of diversity has become irrevocably shredded. Many ethno-religious contentions have raised their ugly heads and have become even more entrenched, even stoked by opportunistic leaders too scared of losing their grassroots support.


azlanIncreasingly, we get a sense that many, if not most, of the recent repulsive episodes of bigotry (cow-head desecration, calculated torching of churches, wild-boar heads left at mosques, 'exclusive use of Allah' demonstrations, etc) and exposed unadulterated racism (Biro Tata Negara indoctrination and humiliating techniques) might have been purposely manoeuvred to create a climate of fear and intimidation for'other' Malaysians.


Perhaps such evocation of special ethnic pride and exclusionary rights are designed to buttress the dwindling relevance of supremacy based purely on race. Perhaps there is genuine if unfounded fear of being marginalised within one's 'own' land. We also know that such calls for 'specialness' of status can persuasively unite disarrayed peoples. Collectively, such an agglomerated if benumbed clan can be slanted into single-minded purposes, which could be led by blind rage and taunted insecurity.


In the worst case scenario, such provocations can so easily be manipulated to create a huge groundswell of unreasoning, unthinking 'cornered-animal' responses - tribalistic instincts, which have been known to lead on to murderous genocidal behaviours, elsewhere! Echoes of May 13, 1969 reverberate often enough to inject the fear of the unknown on most peace-loving Malaysians.


Some have murmured that perhaps these have been deliberately orchestrated to stir up potential ethnic and religious tensions. They certainly have! This explicit immoderation terrifies many people. But thankfully, aside from mental anguish, no physical retribution or reactions have erupted due to a much more mature take by an increasingly tolerant if more enlightened rakyat. Instead, some are letting their feet do the walking… enough is enough, some seem to say.


Yet, many misguided intellectuals and rabble-rousers continue to boisterously hanker for subservient acceptance of the fixity of Article 153. These racial guardians insist that citizens must recognise and accept this unalterable social contract if they wish to be part of our nation, even after 50+ years of independence.


They argue and interpret this as an unshakable tenet of the federal constitution, which supposedly enshrines the supremacy and special interests of the Malays. Unfortunately, such ingrained thinking dies hard.


Unyielding conviction in the Malay's irrevocable right to this land as of primogenital birthright remains resolute, if perhaps discordant and out-of-place with today's changing landscape of universal human rights, and assured equality for all. Yet, no one seems to wish to deconstruct the position of the other indigenous peoples of Sabah and Sarawak vis-à-vis the Malays.


Somehow this incongruous if inconvenient truth remains outside the intellectual ambit of these so-called champions. Few bother to challenge or reconsider the modernist view of what it means to be global, to be human, to be free, to be equal, as if such ideas are alien to the Malaysian or Malay psyche.


The rights of others while also enshrined in our constitution, seem to be given short shrift and are enfeebled, just so it is known that these are 'secondary' to the special position of the bumiputeras.
merdeka 51st celebration 290808Even as they acknowledge that young people might not fully understand such a concept, many continue to insist that this must be inculcated into the new generation so that there would be acceptance of this form of Malaysian reality. No one should continue to question and challenge this 'right', they insist.


Such unrestrained and tacitly condoned power plays of inflexible insolence and chauvinism only exacerbate one's sense of personal loss and alienation for those of us who are among the 'others'.
They further disenchant our strongest sense of patriotic values and belonging. They corrode and dissipate our debilitating struggle to sustain our nationalistic fervour, whatever little that's left - we, the excluded outsiders.


Shockingly, over the past year when cautious optimism should have been key towards a better future, more than 300,000 Malaysians decided to pack their bags and families and emigrate. Some would have said good riddance to these 'unpatriotic' souls… yet, such desperation must be more than meets the eye.


Can we truly afford these attritional losses of such magnitude? When competition for human capital is so globally keen these days, can we afford such mass departure of our valuable human assets who have clearly lost all hope in this country of ours? Or, is this the same Malaysia that we have once loved and would strive and die for?


Advancing electoral gains
Have the 2008 electoral gains benefitted Malaysians at all? I believe so, despite my brooding pessimism. But, we've a long way to go, yet. Malaysians must persist in working together to translate these electoral gains into political reality and advancement.


We can do this not by backbiting, being self-serving or engaging in self-destructing fights for personal or close-minded gains, but by working towards constructive creation of mature self-confidence, stronger institutions, productive meritocracy, and relentless cultivation of our best core values that mark us as a Bangsa Malaysia.


Forced acceptance of long-lost but outmoded social contracts identified purely for an exclusive ethnic ideology will not do, and will be bound to be fractious and undesirable.


It is clear that nearly insurmountable challenges would continue to sidetrack and derail the stuttering progress of our fledgling two-party system of governance, one that could be driven forwards, devoid of the nasty racial or religious overtones.


NONEbn barisan nasionalWe're nearly there, Pakatan Rakyat and BN - let policy and philosophical differences help define and enrich the uniqueness of each, and not simply allow these to be based on crude gamesmanship and personality icons.


Blatant and widespread political chicanery must become a thing of the past, if there is any hope for a decent progressive modern Malaysia. We all continue to pray and cross our fingers that better common sense and maturity will one day prevail.


Our political masters must learn to see the wisdom to be bold to lead by denouncing divisive undertones of racism and crude tribalistic intolerance. They must eschew parochial interests, share a better common destiny rather than play disruptive Machiavellian games, which ultimately may bankrupt and destroy our nation.


Let the ambers of our hopes be rekindled rather than be extinguished. Let the new 'Malaysia' awaken!


DR DAVID KL QUEK was the editor-in-chief of the MMA News (bulletin of the Malaysian Medical Association) for 11 years and is currently president of the MMA.

Friday, October 9, 2009

Ku Li: Malaysia-The challenge of the present

Malaysia: The challenge of the present — Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah

Malaysian Insider, OCT 9 — I wish to thank the Perak Academy for giving me this privilege to address you at a time when the State of Perak is at its defining moment to claim its right to constitutional democracy. Malaysians who are committed to making constitutional democracy an indivisible part of our political culture are watching your unfinished journey.

The Perak constitutional crisis tells us that democracy is not a ready-made formula or a predestined political system which will fall automatically out of a written constitution. It must be written in the hearts of citizens, promoted by their understanding of it, and safeguarded by their commitment to defend it. That is the forewarning provided by the Perak constitutional crisis. Our challenge is now the future of democracy in Malaysia.

Over the last decades we have seen a decline in public morality and democratic values. We have been sleepwalking through a general economic prosperity while our public and democratic values have declined. We have let the crass pursuit of the symbols of development blind us to real losses in the institutional foundations of our country.

Ethnic interest, corruption and money as a means of maintaining power make a very dangerous mix. This combination poses a threat more dangerous than any other form of subversion to our nation's cohesion.

Recent history, from Bosnia to Sri Lanka, are examples of what can happen if we politicise ethnicity above national cohesion. The more each ethnic group tries to maximise its own benefit, the wider we are separated, the greater is the tension. The question we all need to seriously ask as we contemplate the future of democracy in our country is whether there can be a future for democracy if we maintain the politicisation of ethnicity as we have done in the past.

This is not to say that as a result of our history and of colonial political economy, that we do not have serious imbalances in our economy that can cause ethnic tension. The economic division along ethnic lines, the income gaps, the lack of confidence in entrepreneurship, and an unequal sense of well-being and empowerment are partial consequences of our political and economic history. However, these problems, perceived or factual, cannot be solved by applying policies in a way that further ethnicises our political economy. I believe the causes and consequences of these economic imbalances must be addressed and legislation can and should be introduced to eliminate unfair trade practices without politicising ethnicity.

In 1971, when democracy was restored, there was an earnest search for a new political economy initiated by the then political leadership. This effort was encapsulated in the 2nd Malaysia Plan:
“National unity is the over-riding objective of the country. A stage has been reached in the nation's economic and social development where greater emphasis must be placed on social integration and more equitable distribution of income and opportunities for national unity.”

It went on to state: “The quest for national identity and unity is common to many countries, especially new and developing countries. This search for national identity and unity involves the whole range of economic, social and political activities, the formulation of educational policies designed to encourage common values and loyalties among all communities and in all regions; the cultivation of a sense of dedication to the nation through services of all kinds, the careful development of a national language and literature, of arts and music, the emergence of truly national symbols and institutions based on culture and tradition of society.”

The basic point is emphasised in the Rukun Negara: “... from these diverse elements of our population, we are dedicated to the achievement of a united nation in which loyalty and dedication to the nation shall over-ride all other loyalties.”

We were inspired by the conviction that out of our diversity we would have the flowering of the Malaysian genius.

The same political parties but a different leadership were in power then. Those that succeeded them, for whatever reasons, appear to have lost sight of this pledge to the peoples of Malaysia. Meaningful debate in political parties, Parliament, and the media shrank while the moral authority of the democratic process declined.

We saw reversals to democracy such as the widening of the Official Secrets Act and the Printing and Publications Act. The public values that underpin the rule of law were replaced by authoritarian rule by law. Democratic means of challenging this legislation were closed off as we began to lose the separation of powers, and we lost the freedom of the press envisaged in Article 10 of the Constitution. A free press and an independent judiciary are necessary elements of a healthy democracy. Power over the party, Parliament, the judiciary, the civil service, the financial institutions and the media became concentrated in the hands of the Prime Minister.

We must be worried that a generation after these words were spoken in Parliament we have not put a stop to the politicisation of ethnicity. It is now an institutionalised part of our political culture, and there are those who think, contrary to the spirit of the Rukun Negara, that it should be permanent. We shall never attain true cohesion, our constitutional democracy shall not attain its full flower, and will continue to fail to attain our economic potential, so long as we cling to an ethnicised politics.

We need a new politics. We must stop the politicisation of ethnic differences that makes us forget our shared past, present and future. We need national unity based on a new politics. I do not mean unity under the dominance of one party or subservience to any group class or caste, but unity that each Malaysian can stand up and own, promote and defend. Our unity must be based on a national ethos strong and open enough to support unity and genuine democratic process. This can only be based on universal principles.

I am not proposing anything new. We need a rebirth of the ideals of the Rukun Negara. However at this stage in our history the very thing that stands in the way of that rebirth is our system of political parties. It is clear that our entire system of political parties has had its day. Weak and tainted leadership on all sides is but a symptom of a system-wide failure. The parties have become increasingly irrelevant to our young and vibrant population. Much as some of us would just like to forget about these tired parties and carry on with our lives, however, we cannot leave them to their own devices. We are in our present troubles because of a failure of our parties, and reform must begin with those parties.

Constitutional democracy relies on a healthy system of political parties alongside independent courts and free newspapers. We cannot build an advanced economy and a prosperous society on a swamp of morally and intellectually bankrupt political parties.

Our political parties will not reform of their own accord. The people must demand it. In the spirit of the Rukun Negara, we need a movement embraced by people at all levels and from every quarter of our rakyat, to establish a national consensus on how our political parties should conduct themselves from now on. That consensus should include the following:

1. All political parties are required to include in their constitutional objectives the equality of citizenship as provided for in the Federal Constitution.

2. An economic and political policy that political parties propagate must not discriminate against any citizen.

3. All parties shall include and uphold constitutional democracy and the separation of powers as a fundamental principle.

4. It shall be the duty of all political parties to adhere to the objectives of public service and refrain from involvement in business, and ensure the separation of business from political parties.

5. It shall be the duty of all political parties to ensure and respect the independence of the judiciary and the judicial process.

6. All parties shall ensure that the party election system will adhere to the highest standards of conduct, and also ensure that the elections are free of corrupt practices. Legislation should be considered to provide funding of political parties.

7. It shall be the duty of all parties to ensure that all political dialogues and statements will not create racial or religious animosity.

8. All parties undertake not to use racial and communal agitation as political policies.

9. To remove and eradicate all barriers that hinder national unity and Malaysian identity.

10. To uphold the federal and state constitutions and their democratic intent and spirit, the rule of law, and the fundamental liberties as enshrined in Part II of the Malaysian Constitution and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah delivered this speech at the Perak Academy in Ipoh last Friday.