March 8: Fight for nation's soul continues
"When buying and selling are controlled by legislation, the first things to be bought and sold are legislators." - PJ O'Rourke
What a difference two years can make. To appreciate the ramifications brought on by the rapid successions of events, one need only look at Malaysia since March 8 general election two years ago.
What a difference two years can make. To appreciate the ramifications brought on by the rapid successions of events, one need only look at Malaysia since March 8 general election two years ago.
Anwar Ibrahim, flanked by his entourage of lawmakers, was beaming with ecstasy and hopes.
Boosted by the unexpected wins in several states, he threw down the gauntlet by engineering defections from Barisan Nasional (BN) and securing his former parliamentary seat with an increased majority.
But the failure to cause the downfall of one of the world's longest surviving coalitions and the exit of the utterly ineffective Abdullah Badawi - whose ability to mess things up was legendary - signaled a drastic turn in BN's fortunes.
But the failure to cause the downfall of one of the world's longest surviving coalitions and the exit of the utterly ineffective Abdullah Badawi - whose ability to mess things up was legendary - signaled a drastic turn in BN's fortunes.
With Najib Abdul Razak in charge, things seem to have moved into the right direction for Umno, though not for its increasingly irrelevant partners.
Among the latterly formed Pakatan Rakyat parties, Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) is the one that Umno has its sights firmly on. Founded by Anwaristas in the late 1990s, PKR's 'original sin' lies in its stated aim to end Umno's long rule by those who know the Malay party best. After all, a large segment of PKR membership comes from ex-Umno members.
Given the limited time and the prospects of a protracted economic gloom, Najib and his lieutenants are acutely aware they may not be able to swing enough non-Malay votes in the next election, which makes regaining the Malay ground vitally important.
While Umno had attempted to up the ante with the controversy over the usage of Allah by non-Muslims, it backfired terribly, with PAS emerging as a moderate Islamic party looked upon rather favourably by many.
It is very clear by now that Umno under Najib, while making earnest efforts to revive the faltering economy, has not lost sight of simultaneously wreaking havoc on PR and weakening its administrations in Penang and Selangor, especially through defection.
Among the latterly formed Pakatan Rakyat parties, Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) is the one that Umno has its sights firmly on. Founded by Anwaristas in the late 1990s, PKR's 'original sin' lies in its stated aim to end Umno's long rule by those who know the Malay party best. After all, a large segment of PKR membership comes from ex-Umno members.
Given the limited time and the prospects of a protracted economic gloom, Najib and his lieutenants are acutely aware they may not be able to swing enough non-Malay votes in the next election, which makes regaining the Malay ground vitally important.
While Umno had attempted to up the ante with the controversy over the usage of Allah by non-Muslims, it backfired terribly, with PAS emerging as a moderate Islamic party looked upon rather favourably by many.
It is very clear by now that Umno under Najib, while making earnest efforts to revive the faltering economy, has not lost sight of simultaneously wreaking havoc on PR and weakening its administrations in Penang and Selangor, especially through defection.
Since PAS members are seemingly God-fearing, and DAP lawmakers are generally of stronger credentials, Najib has no option but to concentrate his offensive on PKR.
PKR's 'curse'
PKR itself is a paradox: it represents the best hope for multiracial politics in Malaysia, led by arguably the most charismatic and politically savvy politician in the country.
Unlike PAS and DAP, it has an unsettled political constituency and therefore the biggest potential to grow beyond its current shape. But all this has also become a curse for the party.
Thanks to PAS' firm control of Kelantan and relatively strong showing in Kedah, Umno is unable to project the Islamists as subservient to DAP.
Thanks to PAS' firm control of Kelantan and relatively strong showing in Kedah, Umno is unable to project the Islamists as subservient to DAP.
Hence, in furtherance of the objective of de-stabilising Pakatan's Malay base, Najib must go all out to portray PKR as a party that has betrayed the Malay cause.
Unexpected wins
I personally know of quite a few people who had turned down the offer to stand on PKR tickets simply because they saw no realistic chances of winning those seats. It does not take a genius to understand why some of them have since been quietly lamenting the missed opportunity.
When I chanced upon Donald Lim Siang Chai the other day, I addressed him as my "bekas YB". He was not in the least amused, for he too was puzzled at his defeat by a rookie by nearly 6,000 votes!
Many also thought PKR would be lucky if it could wrestle a few parliamentary seats from BN to keep its reformist agenda going. It would also ensure Anwar's (diminished) role to some extent.
So, when the smartest and the brightest people shun PKR, not to mention business "leaders" who were seasoned enough to stay above the fray although they knew the country's economy was going downhill, all that the party could get was a mixed bag of everything: from genuine reformists, pseudo-religionists to shameless opportunists, many of whom have now turned out to be PKR's underbelly.
While I concede too much politicking on both sides of the political divide has undermined public confidence considerably, there is still no denial that Umno has been relentless in persecuting PR leaders.
When I chanced upon Donald Lim Siang Chai the other day, I addressed him as my "bekas YB". He was not in the least amused, for he too was puzzled at his defeat by a rookie by nearly 6,000 votes!
Many also thought PKR would be lucky if it could wrestle a few parliamentary seats from BN to keep its reformist agenda going. It would also ensure Anwar's (diminished) role to some extent.
So, when the smartest and the brightest people shun PKR, not to mention business "leaders" who were seasoned enough to stay above the fray although they knew the country's economy was going downhill, all that the party could get was a mixed bag of everything: from genuine reformists, pseudo-religionists to shameless opportunists, many of whom have now turned out to be PKR's underbelly.
While I concede too much politicking on both sides of the political divide has undermined public confidence considerably, there is still no denial that Umno has been relentless in persecuting PR leaders.
Anwar's failed attempt to entice BN lawmakers to cross over may have been reckless, the way Umno is going for the jugular - from merciless media offensive to blatant misuse of state institutions - is shameless, effectively denying the opposition time and space needed to concretise policies.
Still, we must not overlook the positive developments since March 8, Pakatan's current shambles notwithstanding. Its stand on a host of critical issues is crystal clear: weeding out corruption, reforming the state institutions (especially the police), restoring judicial independence, ensuring freedom of speech and the press, abolition of the Internal Security Act, adhering to retributive justice in terms of economics etc..
In Selangor, the fact that more and more public office bearers are made to account for their words and deeds by means of open hearing is epochal, and one must not forget this would not have become a reality if the Khir Toyo government had not been routed.
Still, we must not overlook the positive developments since March 8, Pakatan's current shambles notwithstanding. Its stand on a host of critical issues is crystal clear: weeding out corruption, reforming the state institutions (especially the police), restoring judicial independence, ensuring freedom of speech and the press, abolition of the Internal Security Act, adhering to retributive justice in terms of economics etc..
In Selangor, the fact that more and more public office bearers are made to account for their words and deeds by means of open hearing is epochal, and one must not forget this would not have become a reality if the Khir Toyo government had not been routed.
Of greater interest to us all is that a large number of Malay leaders Pakatan are now openly in favour of affirmative action for those who need it most, regardless of race, creed and religion.
This new political milieu has compelled Najib to adopt an inclusive and liberal image, although he is still shackled by Umno's racist structure. Najib understands PKR's strength in pulling various communities together, and now seeks to emulate some of its ideals. There would not have been this propagandistic myth called 1Malaysia without March 8 in the first place.
Be so as it may, Najib's endeavor to transform BN into a multiracial grouping could be transient, depending on how Pakatan, and PKR in particular, performs come next election.
This new political milieu has compelled Najib to adopt an inclusive and liberal image, although he is still shackled by Umno's racist structure. Najib understands PKR's strength in pulling various communities together, and now seeks to emulate some of its ideals. There would not have been this propagandistic myth called 1Malaysia without March 8 in the first place.
Be so as it may, Najib's endeavor to transform BN into a multiracial grouping could be transient, depending on how Pakatan, and PKR in particular, performs come next election. As long as PKR has not abandoned its moderate stance and multiracial platform, it deserves our support to keep Umno, PAS and even DAP in check.
There are many curses, but one should learn to count the blessings too.
To move Malaysian politics forward and beyond the crass manipulation of race and religion, PKR and all other political parties aspiring for change must firm up their respective ideologies. Even if some of them may be unpalatable to others, the public has the right to know and ponder on them.
In view of the fluctuating chaos over the last two years, it is not surprising that the faint-hearted begin to miss the 'good old days', when politics were relatively stable and predictable. But there is always a price to pay for greater freedom and democracy. It is either for Malaysians to continue the fight for reform and a better future, or slip back to past false sense of security that has proven most damaging to the nation.
After five decades of totalitarian rule, Malaysia has lost its soul. Now that March 8 has given us a rare chance to recover it, only we can decide if our politics will ever be the same again.
There are many curses, but one should learn to count the blessings too.
To move Malaysian politics forward and beyond the crass manipulation of race and religion, PKR and all other political parties aspiring for change must firm up their respective ideologies. Even if some of them may be unpalatable to others, the public has the right to know and ponder on them.
In view of the fluctuating chaos over the last two years, it is not surprising that the faint-hearted begin to miss the 'good old days', when politics were relatively stable and predictable. But there is always a price to pay for greater freedom and democracy. It is either for Malaysians to continue the fight for reform and a better future, or slip back to past false sense of security that has proven most damaging to the nation.
After five decades of totalitarian rule, Malaysia has lost its soul. Now that March 8 has given us a rare chance to recover it, only we can decide if our politics will ever be the same again.
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